The Political Parties     

  Mohammed Najati Tayarah

Since the middle of 19th Century, during the administrative reformations and the cultural interaction with the West in the retarded Ottoman society of multiple cultures, the elite of Arabic Shami started expressing the tendencies of a national rise. At the beginning, this rise was clarified through an active revival of cultural circles and associations. Then, it developed into a political activity, public or classified, according to the marginal dإtente or the return of despotism, especially, during the Hamidi and Turkinizing ages.

During the late Ottoman ageژ(1)گ, the limited distributed circulars in 1880 of Secret Beirut association declared the first written statement about the political independent program of Arabic nation in Grand Syria. This was followed by the activity of "Ottoman Shoura" association in Cairo 1897. After the revolution of 1908, the open activities of Arab-Ottoman Brotherhood and the association of Literary Forum raised. Later on, the open activity turned to secrecy after the famous executions of martyrs. However, the activities expanded to the Military field, like the associations of Al Kahtaniah, Al Ahd and Arabic the Youth. The last two associations participated in preparing for the 1st Arabic Conference in Paris 1913. In addition, there were reforming associations and other open Parties, such as, the Party of Ottoman Administrative Decentralization; besides, the preparations for the Grand Arabic Revolution.

The Age of Arab - Faisali Government:

During the short age of this government (5th October 1918-24th July 1920), Syria had a prolific political activity and a parliamentary period. At that time, the following political Parties appearedژ(2)گ:

- The Independence Party, which was established in Damascus on the 5th of February 1919. It was an open guise political Party of the secret Arabic the Youth, which was, in reality, the governing Party. It included most members of the government, whom Prince Faisal was one of them. Its parliamentary institution was called the Party of Advancement.

- The Party of the Syrian Union was established in Cairo 1918. It included some Syrian members from the Party of Decentralization. It aimed to establish the Grand Syria with a national unity and democratic government. Later, during Faisali age, Abed Al Rahman Al Shahbandar established a branch in Damascus. In addition to both Parties, other small limited Parties were established, such as, the opposing Democratic Party and The National Constitutional Party, known as the upper class Party, which called for a restricted ownership and supported king Faisal's comply with the French. The significant political phenomenon was the establishment of the Upper National Committee that was composed of Parties and districts' representatives. The aim of the committee, which was headed by Sheik Kamel Al Kasab, was to organize the public resistance against the French.

The Age of the French Colony:

After the occupation of Syria and imposing Martial Laws by the authorities of the French Mandate, the newborn political life was confiscated. Therefore, some Syrian opponents resorted to the neighboring Arab countries. Due to the activity of the Syrian Union Party, which started again from Cairo, the General Syrian Conference was held in Geneva in 1921. It concluded the establishment of the Executive Committee of the Syrian-Palestinian Conference, which pursued the matters of Independence on the International level.

Inside, about two years after Independence, some returning educated cadres established secret organizations, which were similar to Brotherhood leagues. For example, the Iron Fist, or the Iron Party, headed by Abed Al Rahman Al Shahbandar in Damascus, beside some provinces, also, the association of Red Hand, which was headed by Sa'adallah Al Jaberi in Aleppo. The result of these activities was the imprisonment of some leaders in the Island of Arwadژ(3)گ.

The Syrian Communist Party was established by Joseph Yazbek, Fua'ad Al Shamali and some educated individuals, plus, the laborers of Tobacco in 1924 in Kharnaiel - Lebanon. Soon, the Armenian Spartacus League and the Jewish Communist Teeberژ(4)گ incorporated with its commission. The Syrian Communist Party was exposed to arrestments and expulsion attacks because of its full support to the Grand Syrian Revolution which accord with commune strategy that called for the liberation of colonies. Yet, the change of strategy during the struggle against Fascism and Nazism made it agree for the spoliation of Iskenderun City because of the Party's support to the policy of accordance and treaty with France-Public Frontژ(5)گ. This attitude increased the Party's alienation, which was, on one side, affected by the inclusion of minorities in some of its commissions, and on the other side, it had a contradicting modern ideology to the stable traditional beliefs.

After lifting Martial Laws in 1925, the political life started again. The Party of Independence started its activity, as well as, more than 25 small Parties that appeared during 1928 and 1934, but all vanished, laterژ(6)گ. The most prominent Parties were The Reformation, National Union, The Nation Royal, and The Free Constitutional. While most of these Parties were to the right of the National Mass, Al Shahbandar supporters of the General National Union with those who converted to The United National Front, plus, the public institutions, stood to the left. The most important new Parties were the following:

1) The People's Party: established in 1925 as a result of unifying the delegations of Damascus and Aleppo that met the High Mandate and demanded the freedom of expression and the achievement of the national dream of Independence. The Party included the elite of educated people and proprietors, however, it was considered the first organized gathering of Syrian Bourgeois after the occupationژ(7)گ. In fact, it was in competition with the Party of Independence and had a wide popularity due to the influential charisma of Al Shahbandar. Later on, the participation of Al Shahbandar with some leaders of the Party in the Grand Syrian Revolution was the reason for the Party's dissolution and pursuing its members.

2) The National Mass: After the fade of the Grand Syrian Revolution (1925 - 1926) the discordance aggravated between the Syrian Nationalists, who were secularists of Hashimi tendencies and Islamic of Saudi tendencies, especially, during the Syrian-Palestinian Conferenceژ(8)گ. Then, Hashem Atasi called for a General National Conference in Beirut, where the National Mass was established. The Mass joined parts of Independence and People's Parties; avoiding the leader, Al Shahbandar, beside whom participated in the armed revolution and were co-operating with the French compliance. The activities of the National Mass remained just as a seasonal political meeting and did not develop into the level of an organized political Party until the year 1932 by settling its principle law. The law expressed the view of the Party, which considered itself a deputy for the nationژ(9)گ. Also, it clearly, reflected the weak role of the growing bourgeois and the strong role of feudalism' structureژ(10)گ. Still, the Mass went through a hard constitutional struggle against the Mandate authorities and it was after the Grand National Strike of 1933. In addition, the Mass worked for the approval of the National Convention of the year 1936, also, led the negotiations of the Treaty in the same year, as well as, its adjustments in 1939. As a result, the policy of accordance with France and the spoliation of Iskenderun caused the retreat of the Party's popularity and its gradual fade.

3) The League of Nationalist Work: It was born at the conference that was held in Karnaiel- Lebanon 1933 by a group of educated youth. They were recognized because they established the first Nationalist Arabic Programژ(11)گ, which aimed to accomplish a comprehensive Arabic Union with an absolute sovereignty and independence. The center of the league was in Damascus, headed by an active committee that had a secretary-general and branches in different Syrian and Lebanese cities, one of which was in Iskandaron. The league's ideal program found a great support of educated cadres and crowds. In fact, due to three sources, its progress heightened, which were: The Youth of the National Mass, the movement of Boy Scouts and the Secondary Public schoolsژ(12)گ. Being of an excessive policy and opposing the temporal policy, the rejection of the 1939 Treaty caused its splits. Thus, the league's agglomeration, which gathered by the ecstasy of extremism, dispersed at responsibilities and ranks' commitments. The attitude of the league toward the matter of Iskenderun was severely attacked, thus, as fast as this nationalistic blaze raised, it faded away, quicklyژ(13)گ, but certainly, it was a main important source of inheritance to later nationalistic Parties and nationalist propagandists.

4) The Syrian Social Nationalist Party: Antoine Sa'ada established it, secretly, among his students at the American University in Beirut 1932. The announcement of the Party and spreading its ideas started in 1935, since then, he was exposed to imprisonment and pursuing. The Party's point of view started from the union of the Syrian nation, which was distinguished by the same mutual environment. Also, it called for applying the five principles of reformationژ(14)گ, three of them concerned secularism, the fourth was for canceling Feudalism beside organizing work and production, the fifth was for preparing a strong army. Sa'ada began to prepare the members of the Party, affected by the samples of the rising German thoughts at that time. His national vision was reflected in supporting the Union of Grand Syria, plus, in his objection to the Treaty with France. Still, this attitude did not decrease the isolation of the Party because of its contradicting provincial tendency with the wide spread of the nationalistic Arabic feelings at that period.

5) Muslim Brotherhood: This mission was transferred from Egypt to Syria and established under different names in many Syrian cities, starting from 1936. They took the form of beneficiary and educational missionary. Thus, they established the Islamic Arabic Institute in many cities, various committees, plus, a printing house and Al Manar newspaper in Damascus beside a Textile Company in Aleppoژ(15)گ. Then, they started to hold regular general regional conferences in which they got to know each other as "Youth of Mohammed". In the Fifth Conference of 1944 in Aleppo, they united under the name of Muslim Brotherhood of Syria & Lebanon, then, elected a central committee and appointed Dr. Mustafa Al Siba'i as a general observer. This Conference was the start of their transition from a beneficiary association into the form of a modern Party's organization, which occurred at the same time of the Egyptian group's transition into an International Islamic organizationژ(16)گ.

The Period after Independence:

After the Syrian Independence and the evacuation of the French in 1946, the country witnessed a fertile period of constitutional political life that was tensioned, from time to time. Actually, four prominent military coups d`etat occurred from 1949 to 1951. The fifth coup d`etat was in 1954, which occurred by the concordance of the political and military powers. The concordance was due to the convention of Homs and the return back to parliamentary life that continued till the Union age. During the whole period of 'after the Independence', the classical Parties like National Mass, National Party and People's Party dominated the political life at the beginning. Later, in comparison to the rise of other Parties and new powers, all the mentioned Parties retreated with the other growing and authoritative Parties, such as, Socialist Co-operational Party and Arabic Liberation Movement. The new powers were manifested in later periods, like, Union Age, The Secession, after the 8th of March in 1963 and till the beginning of the 21st Century, which had the following directions:

- First - The Directions of Nationalism:

A) AL Ba'ath Arab Social Party:

It was formed as a result of Michel Aflak and Salah Al Bittar, Arabic Revival Movement's incorporation with Zaki Al Arsuzi, Al Ba'ath Party. The Foundation Conference was held in Damascus in 1947 and established its constitution that was similar to a nationalistic Manifestoژ(17)گ. The Party considered itself 'a smaller nation of a pure intact elevated nation, which wanted to resuscitate it'. Thus, at the beginning, the Party tried to personify this vision as an organizational unit of national structure and targetsژ(18)گ. Until 1953, the Party restricted its activities to the sphere of educated people and students, then, it changed after the incorporation with the Socialist Arab Party, headed by Akram Al Hawrani. On one side, Al Hawrani modified the Party' structure into middle class and poor rural people type, and on the other side, he added the democratic education and socialism of rural style. After incorporation the Party was called Al Ba'ath Arab Socialist Party, organized in pyramid system, and spread in many countries, especially, Iraq.

After participating in the parliamentary game, the Party's role enlarged. However, Ba'ath Party used to ally with the military coups d`etat and oppose it later. These contradicting attitudes reflected Aflak's paradoxical ideology. In fact, while his ideology recognized the Party as a nationalistic comprehensive revolt, at the same time, it was declaring about respecting the essential freedoms of the individuals and confirming the liberal democratic struggleژ(19)گ.

Due to the problems of leaderships and unity of organizations, the Party faced its interior crisis during the Second Nationalist Conference. This reflected the start of a tensioned relation between the Regional and Nationalist trends in the Partyژ(20)گ. On the political level, Al Ba'ath, effectively, supported the Union between Syria and Egypt in February 1958. The Third Nationalist Conference in September 1959 responded to the decision of Parties' dissolution. The decision was taken in order to give the political chance for establishing the Nationalist Union instead. But, the Fourth Conference in August 1960 accused the decision of Parties' dissolution and attacked the governors of the Union, after the disaccord aggravated between the Party's leaders and Nasser's rule. The open disagreements reached the extent that Ba'athi Ministers resigned and were attacked by media. With 'Secession', Al Ba'ath political and organizational field blazed and was expressed by the conflicts during the Fifth Conference in 1962, where new trends raised, such as, the Nationalist, Unionist and Separation leaderships, the group of Al Ba'ath Newspaper (Unionist and critic) and the Military organizationژ(21)گ.

After Iraqi Ba'ath and its Allies dropped the system of Abed Al Kareem Kasem on the 8th of February 1963, the Syrian Ba'ath and its Allies (Nasseri and Independent) dropped the 'Secessionist' system on the 8th of March 1963. Ba'ath, at that time, did not have more than 350 hundred civil membersژ(22)گ. Ba'ath started its first day by imposing the state of emergency and marital laws, again. Soon, the exchangeable elimination and maneuvers among the Allies led to the explosion of their contradictions, especially, after the failure of the re-Union project. Due to the internal quarrels, the Nationalist leadership and military organization alliance dominated the authority and the Party.

Ba'ath authority tried to advance to the front. Therefore, as a response to the collapse of the convention on April 17th, Ba'ath authority drifted to the leftist ideology and replaced the triple Union by a dual one, besides, urged for Socialism instead of Unionism. Later on, Ba'ath authority tended for the individual's dictatorships and extorted Abed Al Nasser through the Palestinian matterژ(23)گ. On the Party level, the First Regional Conference of August 1963 witnessed the increase of military power, which was the decisive factor of the left wing domination. On the Sixth Nationalist Conference of October 1963, which became a marked interval in the history of the Party, all the wings found their ideological prospects in the new Dogmatic Report, mainly, in some of its theoretical principles. Therefore, the left wing appreciated its scientific Socialism; the military organization welcomed the idea of dogmatic army and its role in the undeveloped countries. Also, the Nationalist leadership accepted the report under the condition that Aflak would write another 'introduction' for itژ(24)گ. At last, by the theory of "the Party is the Leader", all directions found their authoritative prospects.

The right wing's response to the results of the Sixth Conference did not delay. Thus, on the 11th of November 1963, the Iraqi military imposed a new leadership for the Party. Moreover, they expelled the previous leadership from the country. After a couple of days, they turned against the whole Party and pursued its members all over Iraq. In Syria, the Nationalist leadership found its chance at the Exceptional Regional Conference in 1963; thus, it allied with the military and threw out the main representatives of the Left, accusing them of the Iraqi relapse. However, among the tensioned and controversial atmosphere, the Nationalist leadership held an Exceptional Session of the Sixth Conference, which was called, later, as the Seventh Exceptional Conference of February 1964. Due to the members' severance, who were absent from the Sixth Nationalist conference, a preparation committee invited them to hold another Nationalist Conference, which was called the Seventh Leftist Nationalist Conference of August 1964, headed by Hamdi Abed Al Majeed. This Conference was the start of forming Al Ba'ath Leftist trend and, later on, the Arabic Revolutionary Labor Partyژ(25)گ.

After expelling the Left, the alliance of Nationalist leadership and military organization dominated the authority and Party. So, Ba'ath entered its second stage, which witnessed an ideological and political conflict between both Allies. This conflict continued until the Movement of the 23rd of February 1966, by which the Regional leadership became the final authority. The Nationalist leadership trend was expelled from the Party and Syria, therefore, on the national level, the unity of the Party finished. By the domination of the 23rd of February leadership, the Syrian Ba'ath entered the third stage. When Ba'ath distinguished its increasing isolation among Arab countries, it indulged in more Lefts. Having little popularity, Ba'ath started to organize cadres and replace its weak civil base by a rural one, then approached the Soviets, internally and externally. On the Arabic level, Ba'ath adopted the emblem of National Liberation War, in which was a chance to mobilize civilians and desert the organized army. Although the Syrian front, opposite Israel, resembled "Majino Front" in Europe, but the army lost its preparations through the organized elimination of Officers' groups during the conflicts against Nasseris, Independents and the different Ba'athi wingsژ(26)گ.

After Egypt, the Nasseri, yielded to Leftist extortion, it closed the Strait of Tiran and demanded the draw back of the International police; therefore, Israel found its propitious chance to initiate the attack against the Arabic countries in June 1967.

The heavy Debacle of June upon the Arabic nation, the crisis of Black September in Jordan and the death of Abed Al Nasser, had its repercussions. As a matter of fact, these whole factors aggravated the contradictions inside the Syrian Ba'athi Party. This situation was called by 'War crisis', which the Tenth National Conference in 1968 and its Exceptional Session of 1970, tried to curl around it. The result of the conflict among Ba'athi parts brought forth the Correction Movement on the 16th November 1970, led by General Hafez Assad. Thus, the Syrian Ba'ath entered its fourth stage. After a couple of days, Assad established a government of National unity that started to apply the policy of Arabic Solidarity, besides, he strengthened the cooperation with the Soviets. Concerning the Party, Assad tried to terminate its isolation by contacting city people, then, he gave the Party a form of "Masses" organization. Therefore, by the year 1974 he multiplied the number of Ba'athi working members into about three times moreژ(27)گ. Soon, Assad's leadership was consecrated during both Conferences, the Fifth Regional and the Eleventh National in 1971, thus, he was named as the Leader of the Procession. In the general Referendum of 1972, Assad became a President. The new structure of the political organization was completed by an attached Advanced National Front, also, a People's Council. Finally, he established a permanent Constitution, which dedicated the Party as a Leader of the government and society.

In spite of Assad's attempts for medial organizing between the Liberal-Plurality pattern and the Partial Mono pattern, actually, his government was of a "Personal type" because he preserved the concentration of great power in the center. At the end, Assad was the owner of the decisionژ(28)گ.

Through the succeeding events, such as, Tashreen War, Lebanese Civil War, the conflict with Muslims Brotherhood, the First and the Second War of the Gulf, Assad was able to consolidate his system and invest the strategic tendency for Grand Syria, thus, Syria maintained a significant regional role.

On the Party level, the policy of increasing Ba'athi members and the setting up of a dogmatic generation enlarged the number of the Party's members, so, by the year 2001, it reached 1.250.000 million members. In spite of its legitimate relation as a leader of the government and society, Al Ba'ath could not absorb the political field of the society, on the contrary, the conflicts of this field were reflected inside the Party. This was clarified in various forms like, directionality, regionalism, sectarianism, powers' centers, leaderships (Captains' organizations, Riff'at Assad's problem).

The interior life circle of the Party was not renewed; the Regional Conferences stopped for 15 years, since 1985. Of course, this position stabilized the continuity of the Regional leadership for the same period and Al Zu'obi government for 13 years. In fact, Al Ba'ath was transformed into a Party of marginal authority instead of a society's Partyژ(29)گ. Accordingly, an aggravated economical stagnancy and general corruption prevailed, which one of its most important headlines was Al Zu'obi suicide. Upon the enlarged intelligence agencies' authority of a symbolic leader, who was a model of absolute titles, the society became more marginal and turning away from history.

At the beginning of the 21st Century, after the death of Assad, Syria seemed unable to keep away from the age spirit. Thus, the winds of change blew. In the summer of 2000, Al Ba'ath Seventh Regional Conference was held and its election session returned back. So, in spite of all the concordance efforts, the conflict between continuity and changing became open.

B) The Socialist Unionist Movement:

This movement began as a trend inside the second line of Ba'athi leaderships. The members gathered due to their resentment of Ba'ath's secessionist attitudes. After Secession, these feelings were clarified by forming the socialist unionist vanguard. Then, at an establishing conference in the beginning of 1962, it was named as the Movement of the Arab Socialists. 50 members attended the conference; most of them were from Aleppo, who elected Sami Sufan as a secretary-generalژ(30)گ.

Due to the members' previous organizational experience, the movement grew quickly. It called for an immediate Union; thus, it gained a lot of popularity and was supported by the Egyptian media, too. It became an essential axis for Nasseri Union Movement and its activities. By the night of the Secession system's drop, the number of Arab Socialists reached 35.000 thousand members.ژ(31)گ

After the 8th of March in 1963, the Arab Socialist Movement participated in the ministry and the Syrian delegation for the 17th of April's discussions; besides, it was a principle power in all the Nasseri powers' moves and pressures. Its relationship with Ba'ath remained on and off, between the dialogue of returning back to Ba'ath and accusing Ba'ath of conspiracy and turning against it. In 1964, the movement participated in establishing the Syrian Socialist Union, then, withdrew and held its Third Conference in 1965. The Conference adopted a convention and an internal system presented by Fayez Ismaeel, the new secretary-general. The withdrawal from the Syrian Socialist Union was the reason for its first loss of an important part of its members and popularity. More losses followed because of its co-operation with the authority of the 23rd of February, and later on, with the Correction Movement. However, the movement justified its cooperation for the sake of positive struggle. Thus, the movement had many splitting cases, which were, finally, presented by its participation in the front of the regime and its authority. One split was formed in 1975, called the Democratic Socialist Union Party, and led by Ahmad Al Asa'ad, that participated in the regime as well. Since its return to co-operate with Ba'ath, no essential ideological or political differences could be noticed in between, neither with the dissident Nasseri Movements nor with the paralleled movements, or those participants in the Front of the regime.

C) Arab Revolutionary Labors Party

The Party was formed as a result of Ba'ath Eighth Left Nationalist conference in 1965, which defined its choices and confirmed its classes' types, Radicalism and Unionism. Due to analyzing the roots of the Arabic Revolution's crisis, the Party found that the deficiency of small Bourgeois leadership was the reason.ژ(32)گ

Since the announcement of its establishment with its special vision of Lenin-Marxism, which adopted the studies of Yaseen Al Hafez and Ilias Morkus, the Party faced the governing policies of Syria and Iraq. It warned from the solutions of arranging a coup d`etat to face the continuous Syrian dilemma that remained till July 1963. Due to the tensioned period after the conspiracy of September 1963, the authority of the 23rd of February seized the opportunity to pursue the Party and detain a big number of its members and supporters in all the country.

After the Debacle of June 1967, which was a complete test of the nation's structureژ(33)گ, Arabic Revolutionary Labors Party stood against the Left tendency and its derivatives in their Public and Fedayee Liberation War, which, practically, was to liberate the organized army and evacuate the rest of nation's energies. Especially, when Rogers' project was suggested and the attitude of Nasser agitated the leftist Arabs. So, in spite of its Syrian branch accordance with Ba'athژ(34)گ, in fact, the leadership of the labors Party had a conscious vision.

When the Correction Movement occurred, the Labors Party had a positive attitude toward it. The Party welcomed the suggestions of the temporary Regional leadership about the establishment of a National Progressive Front and participated in its preparatory discussions. But, soon withdrew after noticing the insistence of attaching it into Ba'ath, which caused the split of its participating powers and shattering, later onژ(35)گ.

Under the pressure of the Debacle (June 1967) and the collapse of Nasseri, the Third National Council of the Party, held in summer 1973, formed a new turn by approaching the retardation matters and ideology. Also, by paying attention to the historical moves of the democratic revolution, plus, developing the partial consciousness and study.

When Tashreen War surprised all, regardless of its limitations, the Party welcomed its results. Besides, recognizing the small events of Arab citizens' conduct during the war, the Party found the first signs of a new civil society and demanded the start from itژ(36)گ. The fourth report of the Syrian Regional Council in 1976, concentrated on considering modernization, rationalization and the formation of Arabic intelligence' consciousness a compulsory entrance for adjusting the scale of power to Arabs' benefit. In addition, the Party asked for deepening the political criticism into the structure of the society. These revisions were completed by the suggestions of the fourth conference of Nationalist Council about a conscious criticism of the Debacle, which line would be clarified, later, through the Party's activity in Syria and Lebanon by the prevailing renaissance tendency upon the political one.

In 1978, one of the most prominent leaders, Yaseen Al Hafez, died. Thus, in spite of the continuous printing of the Party's newspaper for sometime, its nationalist institutes stopped to hold conferences until 1993. At the Syrian crisis of 1979, the Party suggested Democracy and Secularism which would enable Syria not, only, to exceed the broken social conditions, but to practice its demanded nationalistic roleژ(37)گ. Then, the Party effectively, participated in the wide national dialogue about the crisis, thus, most elite of the Syrian civil society joined it and formed the Democratic National Assembling in March 1980. The Assembling joined Arab Socialist Union of Attasi, Syrian Communist Party of Al Turk, Arab Socialist Movement by Aiash, Arabic Revolutionary Labors Party and 'Al Ba'ath Democratic Socialist Arab Party. The activities of the new joint Party were exposed to wide detention attacks from the government.

When the Party held the first Nationalist Conference in April 1993, it started to expand the dialogues and enlightenment about the new international diversions after the collapse of the Socialist countries. In the second conference of August 1994, the Party adopted "the Marxism guidance being a universal, modern, political and intelligent system, but with an open mind and a criticizing spirit"ژ(38)گ.

Now, at the elevations of the 21st Century, the Party forms a small Marxist group, which has more modern intelligence than a political Party's popularity; this might be its equation!

Studying the Ba'athi splits, we can refer to projects of Parties' establishment that did not last long, such as, Al Ba'ath Democratic Socialist Arabic Party, which related to the heritage of the 23rd February's movement, Al Ba'ath Socialist Arab Party (Nationalist leadership), which related to Ba'ath Nationalist Party of Iraq. The relations with Iraq were the reason for the discontinuity of these Parties.

D) The Movement of the Arab Nationalists:

This movement grew in Syria as an expansion of a born nucleus in Lebanon. It started among the nationalistic students of the American University in Beirut at the end of fifties. The movement became a sort of pure nationalist brotherhood that adopted the emblem of 'Union, Liberation, Vengeance'. It also embraced the theory of the two stages, first, the nationalist strives, and second, the Socialist strives. Its faith vouched for " destroying the partition by union, imperialism by liberation and Israel by vengeance'ژ(39)گ. Until 1960 the number of Party's members, in Syria, did not exceed 50 members.

The voluntarily commitment to the Nasseri leadership beside considering the United Arab Republic as the nucleus of a comprehensive Arab Union, strong and able to destroy Israel, placed this movement together with the movement of Nasseri masses. Therefore, the movement spread, widely and strongly, in all the Arab countries. The conflict of the nationalist movement against Secession was the essence of transforming it from a limited brotherhood assembling into an organization of masses; so, the number of its members reached, in Syria, couples of thousands. Moreover, the movement controlled the leadership of Labor's General Union and obtained 1.300 thousand workers out of 1.800 thousand workers, who were working at the Quintuple Company in Damascusژ(40)گ. Therefore, the movement was able to organize the most dangerous civil disobedience against the secessionist government; also, it was one of the most important participants in all the strikes against the secessionist government.

The tensioned relation with Ba'ath Party led to the negative political competition. This was reflected in their fragile alliance after the 8th of March 1963, till the alliance turned into a bloody conflict because of Nasseri Officers' dismissal and the 18th of July movement. Thus, responding to Nasseri leadership, which called for the establishment of one Arabic movement, the movement declared the dissolution of all its organizations in Syria and Iraq for the sake of incorporation with the established Socialist Union in July 1964. This declaration was only political because, on the organizational level, the movement in Syria continued on.

Affected by the debacle of June 1967 and its consequences, plus, the Nasseri popularity and its diversions, the movement turned to be a radical organization for middle-classes.

Here, due to the Syrian attitude toward the opposing front, the split of the movement started. Two leaders of the movement, Hani Al Hindi and Jihad Dahi, signed the agreement with the opposing front. Therefore, the leftist group of the movement considered this participation a "wrong small Bourgeois step and called for withdrawal from the front to establish instead a class alliance to save the country"ژ(41)گ.

While the movement was exposed to pursuing and shattering attacks as the other Syrian oppositions, the Left of the Nationalist Arab movements declared its complete liquidation. That occurred at the meeting of the executive committee that held by the leftist branches in January 1969. Thus, the movement faded and all its wings transferred into the expansions of the Fedayee Movementژ(42)گ.

E) Socialist Arab Union:

This Union was established at the unifying conference of Nasseri leaderships in July 1964. Accordingly, the Socialist Arab Union declared a foundation statement that insisted on the membership coalescence with the United Arab Republic and its leadership, and considering this coalescence as a step toward the unity of the one Arabic movement that Abed Al Nasser was pushing into it. Nihad Al Kasem was elected as a secretary-general. When the Nasseri organizations declared self-dissolution to incorporate with the Socialist Arab Union, the difficulties raised and were clarified by the withdrawal of the Socialists Union Party at first, then the Arab Nationalist Movement. This did not affect the strength of the union organizing, which largely grew among students, districts and most masses of Syrian cities, till having tens of thousand membersژ(43)گ.

The co-operation between the United Arab Republic and the 23rd of February's authority caused its clear opposing policy to Ba'ath a lot of confusion. The debacle of June 67, also reflected its results because of the grand revision which the Union had to participate in. Thus, two trends were formed inside the Union with various different attitudes toward the thoughts, policy and organization. The first was a renewal trend, which gathered around Jamal Atasi, the second was a conservative trend that gathered around Mohammed Al Jarah. Their split was confirmed by holding two separate conferences at the end of 1968. This split affected the union, deeply, and formed its biggest crisis. The second trend could not continue, thus, by the beginning of eighties it broke up and faded away.

The first trend, headed by Dr. Jamal Atasi, secretary-general, became a Party since the conference of 1968. Through his organizational tendencies, revisions and analysis, Atasi expressed his affectedness by Marxism. Besides, Atasi distinguished between his commitment to nationalist Nasseri prospects and his criticism of Nasseri system. In 1968, the Party participated in the opposing front. Then, due to the absence of Nasser and his followers, the inversion of Al Sadat against Nasseri and the Correction Movement, the Party changed its attitude toward Ba'ath. Thus, Atasi participated in the first ministry of Assad and shared with the dialogues of the Progressive National Front. Half of his central committee agreed by one extra vote for the convention of the Progressive National Frontژ(44)گ. The insistence in the text of the permanent constitution of 1973 for considering Al Ba'ath as the only leader of the government and society led Atasi to withdraw from the Front and the ministry. This attitude was reflected inside the Party, thus, at the beginning, Fawzi Kiali led the split to keep balance of co-operation with Al Ba'ath and the Front, then, Safwan Kudsi continued, who saw that Assad's experience was a complementary one of Nasseri tendency and, also, a sort of rationalizing itژ(45)گ. This split continued participating in the Front and Ministry by the same name, but could not distinguish its role. Actually, it was continuously exposed to atrophy and shattering to the extent that, finally, another split of the same split participated in the same Front!

However, the Party of Arab Socialist Union was effected by the events in Syria, such as, the retreat of Nasseri and the advancement of the religious trend. Thus, the successive splits deprived the Party of its popularity and effectiveness, mainly after the dismissal of the political group at the sixth conference of the Party in 1973.

Then came the establishment of Nasseri Masses' Organization and the Arab Vanguard Supporters' Movement, which both retreated after the fast dynamic flourish among the educated and young Nasseri masses during the seventies and eighties. Later, some of both cadres returned back to work with the Union Party, which, since the sixth conference it transformed into a Party that adopts correction instead of clashing. This position continued until the end of seventies. When the national crisis broke out, accompanied by violent events, the Party adopted the wide concept of democracy instead of the narrow public democracyژ(46)گ, and attempted to form the "Democratic National Assembling" in 1980. Atasi became the secretary-general of the Assembling and had an effective role to shape the Party in a manner of frontier work instead of the one Arab movement, which was dear to the hearts of Nasseris. The condition of the crisis and the intensifying congestion did not allow the democratic national programs any effective role. Although the program was adopted by all the Assembling at that time, the whole Party, including the Communist Party - political office, was exposed to the worst attacks.

Therefore, the Party's efforts were stressed toward developing its democratic consciousness and strengthening its organizing system to preserve its power, which declined and shrank over the time. Consequently, the Party turned to be a 'waiting Party' depending on its Nasseri memory and the prominent role of its leader Jamal Atasi. In the last conference at the beginning of year 2000, the Party decided to become overt and added to its name the word "Democracy", to be distinguished and to express the Party's essential tendency. In March 2000, Atasi died, thus, the conference, which was insisting to re-elect him again, transformed the commemoration of his death into a national rise of feelings' occasion. This national chance assisted the Party's open policy and the overt democratic dialogue, which the Party still insisted to follow, especially after the changes that happened in Syria after Assad's death. Later, the central committee elected Hassan Ismaeel Abd Al Azeem as a secretary-general for the Party with the agreement of all the Assembly.

- Second - The Communist Directions

A) The Syrian Communist Party:

After Independence, the Party benefited from the great victory of the soviets against Nazism, thus, it enlarged and strengthened its role by participating in most strives of demands, the social and national ones, especially, against military dictatorships.

At the Parliament of 1954, Khaled Bakdash became the Party's elected representative after being its secretary-general since 1937. Due to Bakdash's control of the political line and the halt of the Party's interior circle since the second conference in 1949, the Party had to face the essential national matters. Actually, the most dangerous matter was its approval for the division of Palestine and its objection to the Union between Syria and Egypt, then, its famous Cable that supported the secession. The Party considered secession as a mass upheaval against Imperialism and 'Pharaoh' controllingژ(47)گ. Thus, the Party was exposed to humiliation attacks and severe punishment, also, it suffered a great isolation from Unionist masses.

After 1963, the Syrian communist Party supported the decision of Nationalization, which it had rejected during the era of Abed Al Nasser. Then, the Party suffered from the independence of the Lebanese communist Party away. The Syrian Communist Party waited years of tension with Ba'ath until the authority of the 23rd of February came and allowed it a symbolic cooperation in the ministry. The interior life of the Party did not start its circle until 1969 in the third conference, where Bakdash faced a criticizing radical trend. Bakdash insisted on the correctness of the Party's attitudes and refused criticism, except what concerned the organizational mattersژ(48)گ.

The opposition, led by Riad Al Turk, member of the political office, imposed the project of a political program in June 1970. The project included a criticism for the Party's history and a future vision of an Arab Communist Party with views toward the nationalist and Palestinian matters and Fedayee activity. The project tended for an independent path from the Soviets and applied democracy to the interior scheme of the Party. This project was the start of the conflict inside the Party, which aggravated through the quarrel about cooperating with the Correction Movement, plus, Bakdash's antagonizing the authority and the Soviets against the trend of the project. Finally, the conflict exploded by the splitting Mass' Statement in April 1973. In spite of all concordance efforts, the agitated conflict led to the formation of two Parties:

1) Syrian Communist Party:

its secretary-general Khaled Bakdash had preserved his cooperation with the Correction Movement. Up till now, the Party is still represented in the Ministry and the Front beside other governmental organizations. On the other hand, Its organizational structure became more weak and isolated, especially, after centralizing among minorities and familial sphere. The Party suffered various splits, one of the splits was the Mass, which worked for a while under the name of Communist Party - base organizations, led by Murad Joseph. The most important split occurred in 1986, which transformed into a third communist Party led by Yusef Faisal that participated as the principal Party in all the organizations of the Syrian authority. Having open political and ideological justifications, this third split was distinguished better than Bakdash's classy language and stubborn ideology. Thus, Faisal was able to unite some splitting masses in the sixth conference of 1987 and give some hopes for developing an open communist line, which was not confirmed on the practical level.

2) Syrian Communist Party (the political office):

The trend, which formed most of the Party's basis and its political office, held a fourth conference in 1973 and elected Riad Al Turk as a secretary-general. When the group of Abed Al Samad and Ne'mah Bakri withdrew, the Party lost its representatives in the Ministry and the Front, but kept a minimum participation in the branches of the Front. This Party avoided the tensioned relation with Ba'ath until 1976. Then, its objection for the Syrian military entrance to Lebanon and increasing criticism for the interior policy led to its withdrawal from the Front. Thus, the Party turned, completely, to the side of opposition. This reflected more stiffening in its system and clarifying to its political line toward the concept of Marxist Democratic national revolution, which was clear in the subjects and composition of the Party's fifth conference.ژ(49)گ When the Party demanded the democratic change, during the crisis of 1979-1980, and participated in the formation of the Democratic National Assembly, it was exposed more than other Parties to various attacks of repression. During two decades, the attacks reached most of its leaderships and basis, and transformed it into a political line and symbols of a Party. Due to the termination of congestion and the release of its arrested members, which lately, included Turk at the middle of 1998, the Party refreshed and re-elected Turk and mended its institutions. We can notice many indications that refer to the Party's commence to renew and retain its role in the Syrian political life, which witnesses features of openness and change at the beginning of the 21st Century.

B) The League of the Communist Action

This league emerged from the conference of 1976, which accredited the unification of groups of new Marxist circles that appeared in both universities of Damascus and Aleppo at the beginning of the seventies. The league was created upon radical Marxist perspectives that criticized the current Soviet Marxism.

Fateh Jamoos, Haytham Manna (till 1978) and Aslan Abed Al Kareem, active dynamic members, had a great role in this diversion and established the league's theoretical guidance that was called the "strategic line". The strategic line adopted the Arabic nationalist concepts and declared the emblem of toppling the systemژ(50)گ. Consequently, the league was exposed to successive pursuing attacks during 1977-1978. Besides, its altered attitude toward authority after the conflict with Muslim Brotherhood, the opposition and both communist Parties, affected the limited structure of the league and broke it downژ(51)گ. This was associated with the league's change of speech to become of more Soviet tendency, especially, after converting into a Communist labor Party in the conference of 1981. Later on, it achieved some ascending, again, by becoming active with Arafat's oppositions. During that period, due to the absence of the persuaded leftist opposition, the authority's attitude toward the league became tolerant. But, the authority attacked it again after the league participated in the Kurds strike in 1986, then severely, shattered it later. Since that date the league had no more noticed role, still, some available signs and analysis try to renew this role, latelyژ(52)گ.

During the seventies, within the communist direction, other circles and organizations grew and had some glow, such as, Syrian Communist Union, Arabic Communist Organization and others. In spite of the differences between these movements, they were all extinguished or eliminated and never continued?

- Third - Islamic Directions:

A) Muslim Brotherhood:

At the beginning of Independence, the Syrian Brotherhoods were distinguished from the Egyptian ones because they did not ask for practicing Sharia, but demanded a proper rule to eliminate the disadvantages of Imperialismژ(53)گ.

Thus, the movement of Muslim Brotherhood participated in the competition for election and won four Deputies in 1949 through establishing the Socialist Islamic Front. By the virtue of Mustafa Al Seba'i, who was titled "The Red sheik", the movement of Muslim Brotherhood inclined into a Social Islamic Democratic Party that co-operated with national powers against the project of Grand Syria and Palestine division. Also, Seba'i supported the Agricultural Reformation and participated in the resistance against military dictatorships. Although Seba'i objected Abed Al Nasser's attitude toward the Brotherhood matter in Egypt, his attitude was positive toward the Union and, practically, participated in applying the decision of Parties' dissolution. However, the authority, widely, spread his book "The Socialism of Islam". During the age of Secession, the mass of Brotherhood, the parliamentary cooperative, which was composed of 10 deputies, took a medium right attitude toward the Agricultural Reformation law that was, in reality, an elimination of the Egyptian law. On the other hand, the leadership of Muslim Brotherhood avoided facing Abed Al Nasser on the political level, but in fact, it coordinated with all the Nasseri strikes against communism and socialismژ(54)گ. The period after the 8th of March 1963 witnessed tensions and many bloody confrontations between Ba'ath and Muslim Brotherhood, such as, the strikes of Hama in 1964, led by the striving Brotherhood trend, Mohammed's Battalions, which continued for 29 days. Another clash occurred in the strike of Amawi Mosque in 1964, led by Sheik Habanakeh, with which the individuals of Muslim Brotherhood participated in. Furthermore, there were the events of Hama in 1980, which were led by a combating vanguard organization of a distinguished split among the movement of Muslim Brotherhood that terminated tragically. Then, pursuing attacks and comprehensive shattering of Muslim Brotherhood's organizations followed the confrontations. These procedures were accompanied by the policy of source draining to finish all the movements of Muslim Brotherhood.

Two trends disputed during the history of Muslim Brotherhood's. The first trend was peaceful and reforming, led by persons like, Mustafa Al Seba'i followed by Isam Attar, the second was violent and defiant, led by Marwan Hadeed and Adnan Uklah.

In spite of Muslim Brotherhood's classical ideology to face the project of modern government, its civil structures included a wide section of educated groups. This expressed, of course, another contradiction in the Arabic modernization and its problems.

B) The Party of Islamic liberation:

At the beginning of fifties, Taki Al Deen Nabhani and his companions established the Party of Islamic Liberation in Jordan. The Party expanded to West Bank, then to Syria, where Nabhani emigrated with two members of the leading committee in 1954ژ(55)گ. Due to its thoughtful complete Islamic speech, which called for establishing the Islamic government, the educated youth were more attracted to this Party than to the direct simple Islamic speech.

Thus, the Party's growth in Damascus and other Syrian cities was another reason for the movement of Muslim Brotherhood to become against it and charge it of different accusationsژ(56)گ.

Although the Party was not licensed, it took advantage of the democratic atmospheres during the fifties. The age of Union urged the Party to work secretly, thus, it did not appear until the beginning of year 2000, when its new ambiguous return was noticed. That was pointed out by the wide arrestment attacks, which included hundreds of educated youth who might have composed the Party's cadres.

- Fourth - Local and Regional Directions:

A) The Syrian Nationalist Party:

After the independence of Syria, the Syrian Nationalist Party adopted the materialistic, spiritual philosophy and was renamed as the Syrian Social Nationalist Party. In 1947, Antoin Sa'ada announced about the Party's respect for the Lebanese entity and considered that the League of Arab States fulfilled his Party's prospects. Furthermore, the Party adjusted its principles to include the rest of Iraq, Cyprus Island and the frontiers of nationalist Syriaژ(57)گ. Having no permission for work in Syria, the Party had wide cultural activities in Lebanon. These activities faded after pursuing the Party and accusing it of a conspiracy attempt to prepare a coup d`etat in Lebanon in 1949. Soon, the regime of Husni Al Za'eem delivered Sa'ada to the Lebanese authority which executed him according to a military trail.

After the change of authority in Syria, the Party regained its activities and won two Deputies in the foundational association of Damascus and Tratous. Later, the Party had changeable attitudes toward the regime of Al Shishakli and unpopular attitudes toward the alliesژ(58)گ. Its isolation increased by practicing the policy of assassination. Thus, in summer of 1950, the Party assassinated Riad Al Sulh in Amman. Also, in April 1955, the Party assassinated in Damascus the Ba'athi Colonel Adnan Al Malki. Then, the Party disappeared and its role was finished in Syria until the nineties. Actually, half-open activities were noticed at the late years of Assad's regime, such as, Bassel Dahdouh, the Party's representative in the People's Council. Also, there were some signs of possibilities to incorporate the Party with the National Progressive Front at the new Syrian age.

B) Arab Socialists:

The movement started from the heritage of the Socialist Arab Party, which had incorporated with Al Ba'ath at the beginning of the fifties, then separated because of its support to Secession and the severe objection to Abed Al Nasser.

Its historical leader Akram Hawrani led the movement, again. After his quarrels with the successive Ba'athi authorities, this movement, which depended on a strong Hamawi base and selective Socialist thoughts, shattered. Thus, three splitting groups were composed under the same name. The previous Major General Abed Al Ghani Ayash, who became from the opposition and participated in the Democratic National Assembly, led the first group. Abed Al Ghani Kanoot, who supported the Correction Movement and participated in the Progressive Front, led the second group. The third group was led by Abed Al Aziz Othman and succeeded after his death by his son Ghasan.

C) Kurds' Movements and Parties:

There are more than twenty Parties and active movements among Syrian Kurds, especially, in Jazeera region. All these Parties are not licensed. Some of the Parties are an expansion of Kurds Parties from outside Syria, like, Kurdistani Democratic Party and Kurdistani National Union. Other Parties are local like, Democratic National Assembly. The Parties' power and demands vary, but all of them share the same expression about the political distress of the Syrian Kurds minority.

__________

Footnotes:

1) Mohammed Najati Tayarah, "Associations period, Parties and Arabic Nationalist Movements", 1st part, assortment of Faisal Daraj and Mohammed Jamal Parout, The Arabic Center for Strategic Studies, Damascus 2000, p. 16.

2) Khairiah Kassem, "The Arabic Authority in Damascus", Dar Al Ma'aref, Cairo 1971, p. 27.

3) Abu Ali Yaseen, "The League of Nationalist Labor, Parties and Nationalist Arabic Movements", p. 52.

4) Ilias Murkos, "The History of Communist Parties in the Arab World", 1st edition, Dar Al Talee'ah, Beirut 1964, p. 16.

5) Khaled Bakdash, an introduction for "The Road for Independence", the Office of Social And Political Prints, Damascus 1955, p. 21.

6) Mohammed Harb Ferzat, "The Parties' Life in Syria during 1908-1955", Dar Al Rewad, Damascus 1955, p. 116.

7) Abdullah Hanna, "The Labors Movement in Syria and Lebanon", Dar Damascus, Damascus 1973, p. 210.

8) Abu Ali Yaseen, previous source, p. 54.

9) Previous source, p. 57.

10) Abdullah Hanna, previous source, p. 212.

11) Mohammed Harb Ferzat, previous source, p. 138.

12) Abu Ali Yaseen, previous source, p. 62.

13) Thokan Karkute, "The Development of the National Movement in Syria 1920-1939", Dar Al Talee'ah, Beirut 1975, p. 179.

14) Mohammed Harb Ferzat, previous source, p. 146.

15) The previous source, p. 146.

16) Mohammed Jamal Barout, "The Group of Muslim Brotherhood after the Ordeal. Syria, Parties, Groups and Islamic Movements", 2nd edition, part 1, edited by Faisal Daraj and Jamal Barout, Arabic Center for Strategic Studies, Damascus 2000, p. 255.

17) Abu Ali Yaseen, "Al Ba'ath Arab Socialist Party, Parties and Arab Nationalist Movements", previous source, p. 222.

18) Mohammed jamal Barout, "Al Ba'ath Nationalist Party", previous source, p. 361.

19) Patrick Seal, "Assad, The Conflict over Middle East", Dar Al Saki, London 1988, p. 85.

20) Mustafa Dandashli, "A Contribution for Criticizing the Political Movements in the Arab World", 1st edition, 1st part, Dar Al Talee'ah, Beirut 1979, p. 186.

21) Dandashli, Previous source, p. 315. Also, Hani Al Fakiki "The Dens of the Debacle, My Experience in the Iraqi Ba'ath Party", 1st edition, Riad Al Raies, London 1993, p. 206.

22) Dandashli, previous source, p. 330.

23) Tayarah, previous source, p. 510.

24) Yaseen Al Hafez wrote the first draft of the Report, Fawaz Trabulsi mentioned that a committee headed by Michel Aflak joined Jubran Majdalani and Yaseen Hafez to change the Introduction, but Aflak avoided the committee's meetings and wrote the replacing Introduction alone. Look Trabulsi "The Picture of the Boy in Red", Dar Al Raies, Beirut 1877, p. 47.

25) Tayarah, "From the Leftist Ba'ath to the Arabic Revolutionary Labors Party, the Parties and the Arab Nationalist Movements", Previous source, p. 518.

26) Patrick Seal, previous source, p. 287.

27) Barout, previous source, p. 430.

28) Patrick Seal, previous source, p. 287.

29) Abed Al Razak Eid, "Al Ba'ath, A Marginal Authority's Party, Can Ba'ath Transform into a Party of Society?" Al Nahar, 28.09.2000.

30) Shams Aldeen Kaylani, "The Socialist Unionists, from the Movement into the Party, The Parties and the Arab Nationalist Movements", previous source, p. 213.

31) Previous source, p. 215.

32) Look: "A Group Of Thinkers, The Reasons of the Arabic Revolution's Crisis", Arabic Studies, 2nd year, No. 12, Beirut 1966.

33) Yaseen Al Hafez, "The Debacle and the ideological Debacle", 1st edition, Dar Al Talee'ah, Beirut 1979, p. 46.

34) Tayarah, previous source, p. 541.

35) Mohammed Jamal Barout, "The Political Syrian Age", Al Haiat 31.08.1988.

36) "The Arabic Revolution", the central Newspaper of the Arab Revolutionary Labors Party, Middle of December 1994.

37) The previous source, beginning of October 1979.

38) The Schedule Document, the second conference of Arab Revolutionary Labors, August 1994.

39) Barout, "The Movement of the Arab Nationalists, the Parties and the Arab Nationalist Movements", part 2, previous source, p. 9.

40) Previous source, p. 13 and p. 21.

41) Previous Source, p. 48

42) Previous source, p. 58.

43) Shams Aldeen Kaylani, "The Socialist Union as a Sample for Syria", previous source, p. 121.

44) Previous source, p. 146.

45) Previous source, p. 151.

46) Previous source, p. 152.

47) Murkos, previous source, p. 123.

48) Barout, "The Syrian Communist Movement and the Questions about the Fate", Al Haiat 05.11.1988.

49) Previous source.

50) Barout, "The League of Communist Action and its Winding Path, From Shining into Dissolution", Al Haiat 19.11.1998.

51) Previous source.

52) Fateh Jamoos, "Which Political Movement? Which Party We Want? How do We Start?" no publishing house, or printing place, 06.01.2001.

53) Barout, "The Group of Muslim Brotherhood after the Debacle", previous source, p. 257.

54) Previous source, p. 91.

55) Husam Jazmati, "The Liberation Party, the Parties, Groups and Islamic Movements", previous source, p. 90.

56) Previous source, p. 91.

57) Mohammed Harb Ferzat, previous source, p. 229.

58) Previous source, p. 263.