The Totalitarian System   

    Aslan Abd Al Kareem

"Without a law, no country exists. Thus, the nations, who are subjugated to tyranny, have no other country than the one which contempt the other nations".

                               Saint Just

Entrance:

First of all, it is necessary to confirm the following points:

A - It was possible to accept some political terms, such as tyrannical or Security government, especially, the dominating government, to describe the Syrian regime, but the degree of this regime's penetration through the social structure and attaching society to it enables us to call it, relatively, Totalitarianژ(1)گ. This term expresses the reality more clearly and precisely, especially, when we see the catastrophic results of this social penetration.

B - This research is, mainly, about the Syrian political system until the 10th of June 2000. After this date, very shy new steps started. The steps were slow, hesitating, unconvincing and very superficial, which were taken for the sake of declining the comprehensive heavy pressure upon the society. Although limited in all the fields, these steps, as all people hope, might have positive reflections, now, or in the far future.

C - This research does not regard the intentions, whether good or bad, especially, in relation to the Syrian System and its beginnings. In spite of my assumption about the good intention of the other and not the contrary, still, politics is not a science of intentions. Therefore, I care for the essential importance of the objective acts' results instead of the speeches that the system repeats about itself. As much as intentions help us to understand the phenomena, the objective results are the remaining part. As it is said in a famous aphorism, "Even though good intentions pave the way for hell" or "Even that reality is stubborn", an English proverb.

After these preliminary notices, we start our subject to see the reality of the dominating system from the constitutional, political and practical side.

1 - The Government According to Constitution, Law and Theoretical Mind:

The Article No. 8 of the Syrian Constitution, issued in 1973, indicates "Al Ba'ath Arab Socialist Party is the leading Party of the government and society. It leads an Advanced National Front, which unifies the energies of the nation's masses to serve the goals of the Arab nation". This Article dedicates the Syrian Totalitarianism through monopolizing Ba'ath Party, authority and the society. Ba'ath was supposed to compose the social-political base for the system, but the fact is, Ba'ath lost its role during the last three decades and transformed into an ideological and organizational cover for the present authority, plus, turned into a device for the authority and annexed to it. Actually, if Ba'ath monopolizes the constitutional authority, thus, the Secretary-General is the responsible one. This rank is reserved for the Presidency of the Republic, which has comprehensive and absolute jurisdictions. Consequently, in spite of all the claims, the presidency appropriates the authority!

According to the political preferable expressions of the Party's literacy, official and unofficial media, the secretary-general, the President, is the mono leader of the Party and the nation's procession. The matter does not stop at the titles, but expands to acts. Since 1963, the presidency of the republic or the Revolutionary Command Council issued many decrees that were above the constitution and law, or rather against both. The emerging authority of year 1970 kept the decrees of the past authority and made benefit of them to consolidate its existence and comprehensive dominance. Therefore, the executive power in Syria does not lean on the constitution of 1973, but depends on many inherited exceptional decrees, such as, the State of Emergency Declaration, Martial Laws, Decree No. 6 and the Decree in which the State Security Court replaced the Military exceptional Courts. So, the present political system, which emerged in 1970, continued issuing new decrees that depended on the old ones. Moreover, the system did not leave any actual presence for other powers, whether judicial or legislative. For example, the Council of the People is, almost, like any other Municipality Council, but recognized for its name and range of work that includes the whole country.

The center of Presidency withdrew all the real jurisdictions on all the levels, especially, the monopolized political level, and left the trivialities for the legislative power. In reality, the People's Council did not even practice these constitutional trivialities. The Council was never known to have, really, discussed any essential political matter, especially, an external one. The Council functions were to clap and certify for the Presidency authority, plus, to fulfill its needs, which are above the constitution, by supplying a legislative cover that, in reality, is deficient in covering anything.

The Council of Ministers, which is a part of the executive power, had no better chance than the People's Council. In spite of its constitutional status, the Council of Ministers' position was restricted, not only on the political level, but also, on all the other levels. Therefore, in all the political or economical or social affairs, the last decision was for the presidency center. The weakness and frailty of the People's Council prevented it from discussing, seriously, any exceptional decree that was issued before the constitution of 1973, to find out whether to accord with it or not, or cancel it or not. Almost, all the above-mentioned decrees remained the same, which are in urgent need to be canceled.

The same is applied for the legislated decrees that were issued after the constitution of 1973. The People's Council continued its enthusiastic certification for these decrees without any mentioned justifications. Usually, the council would formally discuss the matters with a lot of gratitude for the gifts and donations of the leader. In comparison with other constitutions, the Syrian Constitution is made to the measure of the leading Party and its secretary-general, which form a radical case of the presidential system. Radicalism is not only due to the presidential mark or the monopolized constitutional political authority by the name of the leading Party or the absolute jurisdictions, but also, through the monopolized candidature and canceled election, which is replaced by referendum.

Article No. 1- 84 of the Syrian Constitution indicates: "According to the suggestion of Ba'ath Regional Leadership, the candidacy for presidency is issued by the People's Council and presented for the citizens' plebiscite". It is quite clear that the non-Ba'athi citizens have no right for candidature. Obviously, the Regional Leadership would not only choose a Ba'athi cadre for candidacy, but because, for three continuous decades, it chose the same person until he died. Furthermore, according to the mentioned article, the People's Council cannot decide the candidacy but passes the suggestion of the Regional Leadership. On the other hand, people's rights for election and choosing the candidate are disregarded and transferred into a plebiscite because there is no more than one candidate to choose. Other than that, the applied "Plebiscite" and its results became a well-known political joke.

As for the judicial power, we cannot talk about its independence at all. The State Security Court, the Economical Court and the Fields Courts are the capable authority, which call to account the citizen and his conscience too. Thus, most of the citizens' natural behaviors to practice their rights are considered against the government and convicted as crimes, which require the most arbitrary sentences. Usually, the sentences are tyrannical in form and content, also, in their punitive type and extended length as well. This description could be applied for the State Security Court and the exceptional courts. Exceptional courts belong, completely, to the executive power, which is the Presidency center. They are fully non-independent because there are no objections or appeals or contestsژ(2)گ. Also, there are no real judicial rules during the sessions and discussions of these exceptional courts. In fact, exceptional courts are exceptional despotic types of courts on all the legal, moral and actual levels.

The normal judiciary system judges the cases, which are not transferred to the mentioned exceptional courts and are not related to the State Security court. These cases are called "normal". Whether civil or penal cases, the system, which is supposed to be independent, suffers the lack of independence and uprightness. Therefore, as a result of the authority's temperamental interference, the comprehensive corruption, the prevailed bribery, which most directories and institutions suffer from, the judiciary system could never be independent. Unfortunately, even the judiciary system, which is supposed to protect uprightness and justice, has been invaded by the plague of corruption. Certainly, when the decay reaches judiciary, then justice is finished.

The collapse of the judicial system does not stop here, but expands to the imposed laws and decrees. Actually, the judges are restricted to apply the exceptional laws, from the decree No. 6 till the law No. 49. These decrees and laws do not regard any constitutional or legal measures. Through these exceptional laws, hundreds and thousands of cases were judged without the minimum legal and judicial rules. There are other ways to issue arbitrary judgments, away from the exceptional decrees and laws, by using the law of sanctions that was issued in 1949. Thus, false accusations and created charges are fabricated to accord with the law of sanctions and condemn the accused people. In the case of matters that have no description or criminal meaning, the exceptional Judges use the Article No. 304 and Article No. 306 from the general law of sanctions.

Article No. 306 indicates the following:

1 - "Each established Association with the intention of changing the entity of the economical or social or the political position of the society by any mentioned mean of the Article No. 304, would have dissolution. The cadres who belong to it would be sentenced to temporary hard labor".

2 - "The establishers and directors are sentenced to, at least, 7 years".

3 - "The eased plea, which is applied for the conspirators according to the Article No. 262, includes the accused of the above mentioned felony".

Article No. 304 indicates that "Terrorist acts mean all the acts that intend to provoke a case of terror by using devices, like explosives, military weaponsژ(3)گ, inflammable substances and poisoning or burning or epidemic or microbial productions, which might cause any general danger".

In all cases, whether the opponent is an individual or a Party, whatever way he uses, even if he is away from changing the entity of the society, the court would always accuse the opponent as a terrorist. Even if the acts of the opponent never exceed the peaceful dialogue, the court would judge him according to Articles 304 & 306. Therefore, the contradiction between both texts of the articles and the reality of the accused wounds the heart, the mind and the conscience. So, we do not exaggerate when we say that the exceptional judiciary has ready-made formulas, in which it reshapes the accusations and the accused according to the demanded size. Are we not, in fact, in front of a contemporary "Procrustean bed", if not worse?

The State Security Court was established over the wreckage of the previous Exceptional Military Court, where the decree No. 6 was issued in 1965. Then followed more arbitrary laws, such as, Law No. 53 in 1979 that related to the security of Ba'ath Party, later, the law No. 49 that related to Muslim Brotherhood and armed groups. These laws are legally, politically and morally shameful for the authority and the contemporary history of Syria.

The miserable position of the upper constitutional court on the constitutional and reality levels worsens the judicial power status. In the constitution, the Articles from No. 139 to No. 148 treated the upper court's formation, quorum, function, jurisdictions and others. A quick look at these Articles clears the upper court's contracted jurisdictions and its little number of members. Also, the Article No. 146 conceals the upper court's right to discuss the laws, which are imposed by the President of the Republic for plebiscite. When we know that the president of the republic is the president of the upper judiciary power, who appoints the members of the upper court, we understand how the circle of power is completely closed. Actually, we never knew that this upper court had ever acted on the level of constitutional principles, laws, decisions, legislated decrees or others. Nobody ever heard the name of the upper court's former head, Nasrah Mullah Haidar, until he participated in the negotiations of Madrid in 1991. Before dying, Nsrah said a word of just because he was fed up. A word that was three decades late, but at last, he criticized the exceptional courts and, especially, the state security court.

Finally, when we remember that due to the state of emergency and eternal martial laws, all this happened, we understand the tragic situation, which the Syrian nation, judiciary and courts suffered and still suffer from. Thus, the exception creates exceptions that swallow the rights, freedoms and consolidate tyranny without any limitations.

2 - The Authority in the Field of Political Practice:

In this field, the practices of repression and monopolization and the results are perfectly personified. This is an expanding field; therefore, I will refer to the most prominent features briefly. To apply the comprehensive domination and complete monopolized decision, the Syrian regime depended on two methods:

The First: to attach to it some political powers of the national left direction, called: the advanced national front. This front had a big name; its treaty indicated that it owned the decision in peace and war affairs and fatal matters. In reality, the front was not more than a decoration for external and internal consumption. The treaty of the front disappeared, in fact, by the two mentioned constitutional articles No. 8 and No. 84. As we all witnessed during a long time, the front had no practical role at all, besides, the organizational quorum of the front had 50% Ba'ath Party + the President. Thus, even if the front practiced all its jurisdictions and even both mentioned articles did not exist, as long as voting was tended to the benefit of Ba'ath, the front became an annex to the authority's Party. Therefore, Ba'ath was always capable of practicing leadership and decision. Probably, due to all this, especially, the article No. 8, the Arab Socialist Union withdrew from the front and protested against the issued constitution. Of course, a small split of the Union, led by Fawzi Kaiali, remained in the front, which later on, shattered again.

The treaty banned all the Parties of the front, except Ba'ath, from working among military forces and students. Thus, we should not be so clever to discover that the first active powers of the society are the military and the students. The main aim of this banning was to drain the rest of the parties from the real elements of power, especially, that the percentage of youth in the Syrian society, from 1 to 18 years old, is more than 50% of the total population. Also, the military institution had a central role in the history of Syria and continues to be so.

The logical and practical results of the front's treaty and the practice that continued during three decades were more than enough to confirm the authority's success to achieve its goals fantastically. Moreover, the parties transformed into different organized groups and opportunist families. This, of course, in addition to the successive splitting, narrowed the parties' social and organizational bases and general activities until their status became so inferior. The conditions became worse when these parties could not find what to say about the essential general politics other than repeating, like a parrot, the speeches of the authority. Thus, the parties of the front adopted the speeches of the president as their political schedule and practical guide. At the same time, they reserved for themselves a margin of shy partial criticism that related to internal policies, exactly in the field of economy, administration and services. Besides, the parties reserved a shallow approach toward the policies that related to general freedoms, citizens' rights, mastery of nation and law, plus others.

Actually, the Arab Socialist Party and the Communist Party, before and after splitting criticized the position more than the other Parties. In the beginning of the eighties, Bakdash, the leader of the communist Party in the front, said: "If we worked from the inside, we would have been from the opponents". Still, in spite of the "inside" comprehensive collapse on the social, economical and political levels, the position remained without any changes. According to the confession of the communists, the incomes of the proletariat declined to a quarter. Also, the corruption prevailed, the repression was generalized, especially during the 80ies, but the parties could not do anything, so, the position in Syria remained the same.

The parties stayed still observing the deterioration of their influences with a stupid, dull and yielding attitude. So, the regime did not imagine such a success, where all the previous political influences of these powers were tamed, subdued and almost eliminated. Thus, the regime had no more things to do other than sticking to its weak positions in the Front and the regime, besides, some of its cadres did not feel ashamed to play the role of the flatterer poet and the political clown of the Sultan. To be fair, we should mention that some individuals or small groups were fidgeting and looking for self-salvation from these positions, mainly, the communists.

The Second: using the iron fist, the tyrannical repression and different types of terrorism to eliminate the political opposing powers, starting from those powers, who applied violence, and ending with those, who had a peaceful activity and they still are against the terrorist violence. Whether radical, right, left, or medium, there were no big differences between the fates of these powers. Therefore, the oppositions that refused to yield to the front of the regime were eliminated, politically, and most often, organizationally and bodily.

Due to imprisonment and death, retreat and willy-nilly exile, the serial of horror prevailed in Syria, especially during the 80ies. The tyrannical repression was, infinitely, barbarian with destructive results that did not only reach the opposing person but his Party, parents, relatives, friends and his surrounding social life. The regime used the methods of extortion, threatening and arresting hostages, intensively, especially, the right and the national trends of violent type. Accordingly, the country's squares, streets, universities, institutions and the residences of the officials were filled with aggravated-armed appearances beside the permanent checkpoints. "Draining the water until the fish die", this very well known theory of the totalitarian repression prevailed.

The principle of responsibility and personal punitive was disregarded completely. There were shameful savage practices, inside and outsides prisons, that could not be accepted, neither by individuals nor by societies. It is not necessary to mention in this report all the horrible details of oppressions, which became locally and internationally known. Starting from the methods of terrorism and torture to the positions of the prisons that relate to food, medication, sun, air, martial laws, duration of detention, deprivation of civil rights, unlimited arbitrary detentions, with or without any tribunal, so, all depended on the whims of the regime. The regime relayed on the principle of interrogating the others' testimony and not the personal attitude of the accused.

It is preferable that the reader would follow the international and local reports, if they were found. Also, to read the report of the defending commissions of human rights and democratic freedoms that was permitted inside Syria about the positions today, which justifies the situation of the present authority. The report clarifies the position today, which is quite different from the tragic prevailed position during the last two decades. Thus, the report deals with the remaining position and practices of that history. In spite of all the notices, this report is the first step in our long way to present for the nation and humanity the witnessed and historical facts.

Furthermore, the aggravated intensified security institutions' interference with the public life became unbearable. The unbelievable interference caused a social suffocation and tragic closed circles without any exit. A latest newspaper of the authority indicated this subject: "A Festival for Children Canceled by A Security Decision, in 24.2.2001". While 300 hundred children were happily watching the exhibition of a Lebanese Circus group in the city of Thawra, forty minutes after the beginning of the presentation, the director of the group stopped the show for "security reasons". Everyone was astonished; the innocent children were asking their parents about the meaning of security reasons, which could not be easily explained. The story was that one security official sent his daughter to attend the show without paying. So, the director protested that the day before there were eight other children who entered for free because their fathers were officials, too. He did not permit the daughter to enter for free. After a little time, a bunch of security bodies arrived and asked the director of the Circus to stop the show! It had been said that the director was called by a security institution for inquiry and stayed for more than two hours. So, the presentation was cancelled by a decision of a security body!

Let this subject be presented for the officials to find an answer and a treatmentژ(4)گ.

The group and the director were Lebanese, then how about if they were Syrian? Only God and the Security know! The reader can percept that if, nowadays, the security's interference reaches this extent, then how was it in the past? Also, if the mentioned local report of the human rights' position is about nowadays, then how was it before?

In addition to the two mentioned methods, the intensive nightmare presence of the security bodies managed the success of the regime to destroy and eliminate the political powers, whether allying or opposing, violent or peaceful, left or right or medium. Today, these powers are in a very weak position and have no actual political power at all.

The previous horrible position, beside the enlarging economical and social pressure led hundreds of thousands of citizens to join the authority's Party. This usually happens to people in each totalitarian system, either because of fear or opportunism or mounting to reach a rank or fortune and social prestige, sometimes to satisfy sick whims or illegal aims. So, it is not strange that Ba'ath, the authority's Party, includes about One Million and a quarter of members. If we, roughly, consider the population of Syria 20 million inhabitants, less than half of them are over 18 years old, then each seventh or eighth adult is a Ba'athi. If we consider that women join the political parties less than men do, then probably each fifth or sixth adult is Ba'athi. This gives us an estimation of the position that the society and the authority reached to.

The real monopolization of the authority and power, the generalized and comprehensive repression, giving full rein to the bodies of security, eliminating the political powers and the cessation of politics in the society, all formed the main features of the Syrian system. The decoration of the "advanced front" did not change anything. We have seen similar "fronts" in the socialist countries, which did not have any actual role. The whole position caused intensified terror among the citizens from politics, authority and security, also, caused the loss of the spirit of responsibility, the death of the citizen and the search for the private individual salvation.

3 - The Authority on the Social Level:

As we mentioned before, here, the essence of totalitarianism is found and all what distinguishes it from other systems of despotism and individual or partial domination. Penetrating the society and its civil organizations from inside, and swallowing it, turns it into a compulsory expansion of the authority. In addition, the Syrian regime settled the other totalitarian experiences. As this regime was hallucinating about its existence and continuity, which formed the main scheme of its internal and external policy, thus, it controlled the individual since his childhood till his grave. That occurred not only through the directed media, cultivation and universities, or intensive generalized repression, but also through the compulsory affiliation to the government.

The compulsory affiliation almost starts from the age of ten, the Vanguards of Ba'ath, and never stops until death. So, this continues through the Union of the Youth of Revolution, the National Union of Syrian Students, craftsmanship and professional associations, labor, rural and women unions, as well as, the bourgeois type, like Chambers of Commerce, Trade and Agriculture. Besides, the organizing expands to the fields of culture and sports, like the General Union of Sports, the Union of Journalists, the Union of Writers and the Charitable Associations. The comprehensive domination reached the religious field, thus, the regime controlled Mosques and religious organizations by taming an official religious group that praised and licked the boot of the authority, and declared the subjugation and complete yielding. Therefore, the ruler, was almost, transformed into a contemporary profit for the nation and Islam. The same was applied for the other religions, Christianity, and clergymen. Exactly as it used to be in the Ottoman age, the Mosque became a place for rituals, worships, preaching and praising the authority. Thus, the General Mufti of Syria would do the same role that his mate did in the Ottoman age. This caused to have in the country an official religion of the authority and a different religion with different features and inclusions. We should mention that the presence of the authority's Party in any organization was always more than half the percentage. Starting from the People's Council, the organizational quorum of Ba'athis was 50% + 1 (the president). This quorum should be applied in any other social organization.

Furthermore, due to the violent political crisis between the authority and the armed Muslim Vanguards, from 1979 to 1982, the regime established dangerous organizational phenomena, such as, parachutists, Ba'ath and labors' phalanx and others. The entry to these organizations guaranteed financial and prestigious gaining, not only to make benefit of employment, housing, cars and others but also to obtain university studies. So, the affiliation to one of these organizations was a passport to pass for the scientific faculties at the universities, especially, which require high grades.

Schools and cultivation were decayed, as well as the universities. Ba'athizing the education, taking up the scientific chairs at the universities by belonging to certain organizations, disregarding the personal qualifications, affected the educational uprightness.

The catastrophic results of controlling the society and canceling its independence are gradually appearing now. Even on the level of speech, the aggravated results during the last years obliged the authority to start looking for solutions.

In Syria, the position did not stop at the death of politics and the scattering of the individuals, but exceeded this to the extent that we find ourselves retreated to the tribal and familial belongings and others. This is not strange, because the rights of the citizenship were lost. In fact, the rights of citizenship are the essential and minimum necessary provisions for joining the historical civilized project that exceeds the past and all its negative sedimentation.

In fact, the authority that talks by the name of the nation, labors and socialism works from ages for its own private account. The interests of the emerging groups of such an authority, or who formed the authority's sphere, are mainly directed toward gaining fast wealth. These groups transformed into corrupted schools of planned and organized corruption. Also, the society and the national economy transformed into a special farm with a milk cow, whether in the public, mutual or private sectors. The exploitation was practiced by many legal or above legal forms, starting from the exorbitant brokerage and terminating by protecting the Mafia's of smugglers or joining them. As well as, exploiting financial benefits, participating the private sector, snatching shares, tributes, stealing, bribing, plus, monopolizing the public contracts, using the public services as if the country is a private property, beside uncountable ways of plundering the nation's fortune. The authority transformed into real Mafioso groups, stacked circles from the bottom to the top and vice-versa. The nearest circles to the center of political, economical and social decision's fabrication in the authority, Party, military and security institutions, are the more powerful and dominating. There was a comprehensive structural penetration through all the cultural, economical and social organizations. Besides, the grade of familial and tribal relation, especially, the ruling elite, became a greatly effective way to strengthen the Mafia's control, vertically and horizontally.

This Octopus of multiple hands and forms, of harmonious activities or competing ones represents the parasite leech that sucks up the blood, sweat and efforts of the real creators of the nation's fortune. These individual and organized Mafias were not hidden but worked openly with no shame. Every day the exalted palaces are built and the luxurious cars fill the streets and roads of the country, whether for personal or public use. In many cases, more tragic accidents happen because of these cars, which are driven by the officials or their children, with fast speed and disregarding any traffic law. With complete astonishment, people watched, helplessly, this show-off phenomenon of wealth and power, which in most cases of aggravation, people imitated those upper groups forming a farce frame of the origin.

Moreover, we can refer to the smuggled money of unimaginable quantities, whether smuggled by the Syrian whales of Bureaucracy or the private sector. Although many Foreign or Arab newspapers issued and still mention numbers of billion dollars, unfortunately, we do not have exact certified numbers. Many Syrian personalities had a smuggled fortune of billions of dollars, like Refa'at Assad, the brother of the former president, whose stolen fortune by force and on the expense of people reached once 7 billion US dollars.

Syria entered a phase of a non-witnessed moral and social retreat in the modern age. If corruption is the main reason for this retreat, then the corruption of the authority group, bureaucracy group and Mafia groups are the essential reasons. However the demagogy of the authority tries to hide and justify the corruption, as a prevailed case in the whole world, the facts cannot be ignored. Even if they call the corruption as deficiency or gaps or defects or blemishes that stick to the revolution, or confirm the ability of the revolution for self-correction, no one believes that anymore.

Intentionally or not, this demagogy completely ignores the difference between the settling corruption, which runs like the blood in the veins of the Syrian bureaucracy, and the mentioned Mafia. Unlike the existing corruption in any other place according to the political or social or economical system or other marginal extents, the corruption in our country became a fundamental prevailed phenomenon that organizes the conduct and values of the authority and the society. The equality between the major and the secondary is a very old method that was used to justify the wrong, the evil and the crime in any personified form. It is a misleading method to delude the dialogue and loosen the solid base of the opposition. A well-known proverb in Arabic says: "Everything for the Arabs is one kind of soap", which means the actual cancellation between the real and the superficial recognition. In our country, the corruption is not just a settling fundamental phenomenon, but has widths and depths to the extent that there is not one field, institution or organization, which does not suffer from that. Our corruption is different from any other partial corruption that might occur in such a field or such an extent or such a time.

In addition to corruption, the misleading demagogy ignores the difference between closed and open societies. There are democratic societies that admit the other opinion and the contradicting benefits. These societies have the mechanism of discovering the individual or the groups' corruption, unmask and settle the account with the corrupted, legally and politically, whether they are individuals, a Party, an organization or a firm.

The democratic societies create the climate and the suitable provisions for narrowing the sphere of corruption by the cultivation mechanism and other social mechanisms, like the groups of protecting the customers, the uprightness of judiciary system and authority, legal mechanisms that investigate the fortunes and governmental or non-governmental incomes. The admitted contradictions of economical, social and political benefits in the open societies beside the huge open information play a great role to uncover the scandals, defame and calls for facing them. This is what I call the morals that result from the objective pressures of the contradicting benefits and the fear of their negative effects.

The contrary happens in the closed societies, especially the totalitarian ones, where the corruption is protected and hidden for a long time. The reasons for this long-term corruption start from secrecy and lack of information, and end with the settled fear and other diseases of totalitarian repression, like denying the other and canceling the independence of the civil society and its organizations. In this case, not many fingers, which clearly and openly point-out the corruption, could be found because it is possible to cut them off. According to the continuity of its benefits, only the authority has the jurisdictions to follow corruption, renew itself, organize its entity and maintain its ragged cover. This means that the authority has the right to unmask the corrupted powers and the abusers of the mind, soul and power of the nation. It is the authority that can open the file of corruption and determine its extent and when to close it, so that the structure would not collapse all together.

A quick look at the practices of the Syrian authority, during the past three decades, can confirm all what we mentioned. The file of corruption was opened several times, starting from the years 1976-1977 up to present, but each time it was closed before termination. In other words, the file was closed before approaching the main heads of corruption and the real Mafia, or who were called Big Fish or Whales. There was an exception at the beginning of the year 2000, the last time that the file of corruption was opened, thus, the Prime Minister and some others were approached, then the file was quickly closed. The Syrian nation still hopes and it is its right to hope that this file would be opened again. Until now, the authority did not present any justifications other than the need and necessity for the centers of powers, the new position of the authority and the "old guards".

The demagogic authority calls the defects, the gaps of the successful revolution that have the ability for self-clearance. I believe that the actual remainder of the "revolution" had become rusty, as most intellectuals say, a long time ago, after the 5th of June 1967, which means before the establishment of the present authority. The events that happened in the revolution of the 8th of March in 1963, if there was a revolution, do not deserve to be praised, nor what happened later in November 1970ژ(5)گ. Reviewing the national and social inclusions, the declared political speech of the system does not accord with the actual events. Thus, the admittance of the decision No. 242, the Palestinian matter, and the Syrian Military interference in Lebanon against the Palestinian resistance and the National movement with their national political project, all that presented the tight truth of the Syrian authority's speech. Although during the last quarter of the century the Syrian regime appeared to be against and with all the directions, the reality is that the Syrian interference in Lebanon stopped the National Lebanese-Palestinian project in 1976. It is enough to mention this example to show that the remainder of the revolution had finished a long time ago; thus, it is useless to say that the revolution will correct itself through time. This speech is no more than a title or a badge that a feudatory would keep after loosing his proprietorship and power. In best cases, the bureaucratic totalitarian authority would try to fix some patches and maintain some ragging that it suffers from. Anyhow, the authority is very far from responding to the necessity of the deep and comprehensive political, economical and social change to exceed the aggravated structural crisis on all levels, which became clear for everyone.

As for the social level, the authority still talks about the social justice, and while discussing the economical reformation it regards the social problem. It is impossible to imagine social justice in a generalized totalitarian repression, which denies the masses' participation in making decisions, deprives the nation of its rights and freedoms, cancels the parties and overcomes the media, education and culture. If we consider that the existence and continuity of the authority are the main measures for sketching the policies, then talking about the social justice is not more than an empty demagogy, which breaks once it approaches the Syrian actual reality. The reports and the comparison between Syria and the neighboring countries show the retreated position of the masses and the groups of limited incomes. It is important to mention that Syria could have provided very good living conditions for its citizens.

The neutral reports confirm that the middle-class or the small bourgeois, which was the womb of the regime, suffers from corruption on all the levels, the economical, the social, the political and the moral one. Also, the reports and interposition of the various forums clarified that three fourth of the national wealth is monopolized by a little group from the top of the authority. The rest of the nation, mostly, lives in continuous search for earning the minimum of survival. The position of Syria turned into one of the worst tragic conditions that happened in the backward countries with all the resulting social diseases. Thus, we are facing an economical Oligarchy, a Plutocrat, of monopolizing and parasite type. Outside the wealthy group, the social justice means, today, dividing the poverty, equally, among the masses.

It was necessary to concentrate on the social justice because this slogan or its alternative "the social democracy" had always been repeated to face the political democracy. Hiding behind the social justice was an essential introduction to cancel the political democracy. During the entire 20th century, we have heard enough varieties of this speech. Today, we witness the speech's deterioration and the decline of its experiments. Thus, the crucial factors are in the history and the Syrian reality, which related to each other and accorded at the end. One communist newspaper of the Syrian front's Party issued after the collapse of the socialist experiences the following: "what lessons do we need from this descent?" "Facing the political democracy by the social democracy without perceiving that an isolated one could not be guaranteed without the other means, as a result, sacrificing both of them"ژ(6)گ.

To tell the truth, the result is identical with what happened in Syria. Although the writer of the article meant the previous Socialist system in Soviet Union, the article accords exactly with the Syrian position.

Another social problem was, the authority's politicizing of all the masses' organizations, transferring them away from the real nature of their goals and considering the struggle to achieve these goals a crime. Due to the authority's point of view, the real role of these organizations was to consolidate its policy, defend it and propagate for its justifications about the actual retreat of living and human rights. The famous clause of Lenin "Labor Associations should struggle against their own authority", had gone. If the problem of politicizing the organizations and associations is accepted, abandoning their economical and social role is unaccepted because, in this case, we would have annexed organizations and authority's associations. This rejected position happened in Syria, which is one feature of totalitarianism in every place and time.

The citizenship and human rights are worse in Syria. There is no privacy for homes, correspondences or phone calls. Disregarding the presented justifications, during the whole past three decades the rights of people were, awfully, violated. The violation was justified by the name of the state of emergency, the security of the states or the state of war. Striking, sitting-in and forming independent associations, as once the constitution indicated, became memories of far history. Moreover, forming an independent activity arouses a continuous doubt and incrimination; actually, the accusations are always ready made. Even nowadays, we saw the attitude toward the commissions of civil society revival, also, the cultural and political forums. The rusty arsenal is always ready to provide the authority with accusations and justifications.

As for the associations and organizations, the right of collective negotiation about the salaries is deprived, but it is available in the private sector. One of the real human social problems is related to the thousands of people, who were deprived of their civil and political rights according to the incriminations of the State Security Court. In addition to detention, imprisonment and arbitrary tribunals, the deprivation would continue for another ten years after the prisoners were released.

Totalitarianism, in Syria too, is like a plague that nothing could escape from. If we compare between the Dictatorship of Adeeb Shishekli and the dictatorship of the last three decades we will be astonished. Even on the level of tyrannical repression, which is mutual between all the systems of dictatorships, the difference between both is unbelievable. At the time of Shishekli, the detention of a political struggler for a couple of months was considered like violating the inhibitions. Socially, the detained was welcomed out of the prison by sprinkling rice on his head. This act was familiar among many nations, which expressed their solidarity, rejection and challenge for the ruling authority. In totalitarianism, political strugglers were detained and imprisoned for a quarter of a century or more and nothing happened! All the time, the authority denied having political prisoners. On the 16th of November 2000, it is good that the new authority confessed and released 600 prisoners by a special amnesty.

During the Shishekli time, any restricted interference with the affairs of an association or a sports club or a cultural forum was firmly condemned. Now, the interference became memories from the past because every gathering organization is a part of the authority structure.

A wounded citizen in a strike against the authority was a shame for the authority and a declaration of war. Today, the strike against the authority became a memory from the past as well, as long as no one has the courage to think about it. Tens and more people died by torture in the basements of security or later in the prisons without any reactions. The worst matter in the totalitarian repression is the disparagement of the human life and soul, and disrespect for the sacred right of the human creature in living. The "scarcity of life" term does not exist in the totalitarian dictionary. For example, the Massacre of Palmyra prison in 27.06.1980 by Ref'at Assad, if there was a bit of respect for law, human rights and the sacred right of living, could that ever happen?

We would refer to one law of the state security directory, which is hidden and prohibited. The Law of the Legislative decree No. 549, dated 25.05.1969, which included in the Article No. 74 the following:

"It is prohibited to pursue any employee of the State Security Department, whether deputized, seconded or directly contracted, due to crimes which result from the job, or during resuming it, before he is remitted to the disciplinary council of the department and issuing a pursuing order from the director". This was our constitution, and we know what really happened, thus, we expect that this constitution would be placed in the museum of history, so that the coming generations would know what sort of grandfathers they had.

Not only striking became a memory from past, but also everything that had a relation with political rights and freedoms. Why not? As long as totalitarianism includes everything, there is no meaning to talk about free elections, voting, sovereignty of the nation, power of the law or the peaceful alternation of authority. During three decades, all these expressions were not necessary, plus, three generations had no idea about them.

Also, we need to refer to the social position of the governing elite and the main officials in the military and security institutions. In spite of differences, both political totalitarian systems of Syria and Iraq share the same features. The highest Syrian officials usually very well welcome Dr. Azmi Beshara, a social researcher and active politician, who lives inside Palestine. So, we can consider his talks certified because he is not a grudged or biased or indignant or a spy. Azmi says: "After the collapse of the political speech, national and unionist, the dominating countries of both Iraq and Syria, mainly, depend on the loyalties of the officers and the commissions of the Party, who are from the minorities. This reality, sharply, complicated the democracy operation". Then he adds: "In the actual dominating country, the minorities do not rule, but their elite does"ژ(7)گ.

If we regard this testimony, then we should consider this subject and look for the responsible one about the mechanism of exceeding the democratic scheme. One phenomenon of the totalitarian system features is the inheritance of government, like in Korea, which is similar to Syria and Iraq, and later on, might be in Libya and Egypt. This phenomenon suggests a lot of burning questions and arouses many worries, rejection and justified fears. It was absolutely unacceptable to watch an assassin like Refa't Assad considering himself the legitimate heir of the Syrian authority. If Refa't, who once was appointed as the vice-president, believes so, then, the other two vice-presidents, who continued in their position until the death of Assad, have more right to be presidents than him. Thus, Refa't was demanding the authority because he belongs to the family and the ruling elite. Although it is refused by all means, the transfer of the authority to the son and the way that the election was managed gave Refa't that margin to complain and claim his right. In spite of all the presented justifications, the inheritance of authority according to that special illegitimate way is an unhealthy phenomenon, in addition to the constitutional problem and the despise of nation's mind and rights.

The mentioned phenomenon transformed the nation into an audience who watched a play in a theater. The masses became like a stupid witness of his own future, who cannot decide nor has the right to do anything about it. Furthermore, this phenomenon spread into the front, so, it became normal to find the children or wives succeed in leading the commissions of their fathers or husbands, the same spread into the ministry ranks. This phenomenon clarifies that there are no qualified cadres other than the responsible commissions and their relatives. Anyhow, the lack of qualified people is the responsibility of the previous commissions.

On a mutual level, between judiciary, associations and politics, a statement signed by 70 lawyers included demands, which showed clearly the bad position of the judicial system and the association of the lawyers. The demands concerned the termination of the state of emergency, the release of general freedoms and issuing a law for the parties that organizes the political life in Syria and the principle of the authority's alternation. Also, the statement demanded a general amnesty for the political dإtentes, prohibiting the judges to work in politics and releasing the association of lawyers from dependency. The dissolution of lawyers' association beside many other professional associations was decided in 1980, then, the authority appointed their boards of directors. This step was the system that annexed the associations to authority and deprived them of any independence. At the same time, another group of lawyers issued another statement with, almost, the same demands.

4 - On the Economical Level:

All the economical experts, inside or outside, have unanimity that the Syrian economy has a structural crisis. A lot had been said about the real reasons of the crisis, its features and the destructive results, but we are mainly concerned with what relates to totalitarianism and its resulting factors. In fact, the public sector was the fundamental base for the rise and growth of bureaucratic bourgeois through many ways of legal and illegal theft, which are known for everybody. The ruling bureaucratic authority used these methods to create political loyalties by a series of services and gifts, which included free housing, free telephone, personal car and others. The services equal an income of at least 30 thousand Syrian Pounds per person. This is a simple example of the present positions, which most suffering people watch and witness around.

During the past three decades, the Syrian bureaucracy made endless efforts to redistribute the incomes in a way that contradicted every law or legitimacy or tradition or logic. In spite of all the reformation steps in the country, the authority continued the redistribution of incomes in its queer way. We would refer to one present example about the Mobile Phone Company or companies, which monopolize the whole cash inflow. Actually, this immoral conduct led us to this dark horizon, or the closed one.

The public sector includes real contradictions of ideological or political or social attitudes, such as, the attitude that guarantees the continuity of this sector. The same is applied for the government, Party and associations' bureaucracy and the word "Bureaucracy" in general with limited differences that relate to the grade of bureaucracy and other reasons of ideological or social or political reference. The public sector was and still represents the social and economical capital of bureaucracy, plus, the real creator of its privileges, fortunes and dominating presence.

On the other hand, the left in general, especially the dogmatic left, supports the existence of this sector. Without a necessary review for its existence and function, the left believes in the necessity of reforming the public sector on all levels, especially, the technological and the administrative levels. In general, the bourgeois groups call for liberating the public sector because of its bad position, high costs and permanent loss. The fact is that the bourgeois are not interested in exceeding these defaults of the public sector but to get rid of it and have control over the economy of the country. Usually, classes and groups look for their own benefits rather than the benefit of the country. Other political and social groups call for complete review of the public sector's concept and the role in any economical planning or in achieving the social and economical development. Thus, the public sector should neither be canceled nor just reformed but should have a role within the whole historical development because the governmental sector has to exist. Actually, the elements and consistencies of the public sector have to be, completely, studied with its interior structure too.

The national left groups that have an open criticizing attitude instead of the classical dogmatic well-known attitude that adheres to the government however it is, support this comprehensive criticizing review. Probably, the left bourgeois groups, as well, stand to this side. In all cases, the social matter and the social function, in addition to the economical function of the public sector remain essential and deep in all its discussions, which will affect its containment, function and future. Whether declared or not, the necessity for a dialectical relation between the social and the economical role of the public sector should be improvised. Thus, this sector would be able to function, effectively, for the comprehensive development and exceed the dark horizon, plus, launch into real commencement away from superficial, restricted ideology and egoist-narrowed benefits.

I would like to refer here that I do not know where the laborers of this sector stand? Who are the actual producers of fortunes, whose strive and fatigue is stolen? Theoretically and historically, the laborers are supposed to stand to the side of the government sector and strengthen it. This supposition might not, necessarily, accord with reality or differ to what we have seen before the collapse of other totalitarian systems from the attitude of proletarian bureaucracy and the well-known dogmatic left.

5 - The Information and Cultural Level:

The first procedure of the totalitarian dominating systems is monopolizing the other opinion and marketing the monist one. Obviously, this system would eliminate the newspapers, magazines and other media means of political and cultural tendency. This is what the Syrian government accomplished perfectly. Months ago, there were no independent political newspapers in Syria. Moreover, all Arabic and foreign newspapers, magazines and books, which might negatively approach the dominating politics, were prohibited to enter Syria for years. The censorship was very strict on the local publications in general, especially, the subjects of specific sensitivity to the regime.

In spite and because of this severe block that continued for more than a quarter of a century, satellites increased and the citizens were thrown open to the world. Still, the Internet remained limited, supervised and controlled by the security institutions, which closed every hole that they did not feel comfortable with, whether political, social or historical. In spite of all the promises to increase the Internet lines and to decline the control, a continuous old-new war goes on between the authority and the users of the Internet. This reminds us of Stalin's attitude at the beginning of the 20ies in Russia. The testimony we have from a newspaper of the communist Party is an article titled "The fear from education, the fear from the intellectuals". The article says "Stalin rejected the suggestion of Leon Trotsky to generalize the telephone lines all over the new Soviet Union. Stalin said that this would be a counter-revolution, because once people could contact each other the power of authority to monopolize the information would retreat, and information is the power"ژ(8)گ. Are we wrong if we say that the living people imitate the dead? All we do is to reconfirm the facts of the old totalitarianism. Therefore, it is not strange to have in our country all the prohibitions and censorships applied on all types of the media. As the title of the article says, it is the fear from the educated, the fear from the commoners, "the herds", to regain their rights in the human society, which means the fear from the citizens to reacquire their rights of citizenship.

We are in front of dual fear, first, a tragic fear that caries the country because of the authority and its practices, especially, the security institutions, which control and interfere with everything, and secondly, the fear of the authority from the masses. What hopes could be expected from the destroying terror of a frightened, decayed and let out nation, and an authority that suffers day and night from the hallucinations of security?

Days ago, Syria did not have other than three newspapers of the authority, which were Tachreen, Ba'ath and Thawra. These three newspapers monopolized the informational and political fields, also, cooperated with Radio and TV Broadcast for the marketing of the official speech only, which was not more than a composition of ideological, demagogical, justifiable and rebuking structure. It was exactly the same in the previous totalitarian countries, especially the socialist countries, and the present countries that still exist. The thronging objective speech, in form and content, mastered the tendency and became unified around in the country. To avoid being radical, we would present the testimony of Mahmood Salamah, the head editor of Thawra newspaper, which is the mouthpiece of the authority. In the issued paper of the 3rd of March 2001, before Salamah was dismissed of his work, he said in his editorial the following:

"It might be necessary to repeat that the spring of Damascus is still in its beginnings. The attempt to achieve unanimity agreement and national unity does not belong to the society of a "parrot" and mono side official speech, but to the world of political and economical plurality and multiple cultural visions'ژ(9)گ. Thanks to Salamah for this confession that the intended spring is the spring of plurality. Agreement and national union are endeavors to be accomplished. Thus, the claims of the authority are only justifications. Imposing orders from above by force and fear is completely different from executing them, normally, by the base with deep self-satisfaction. Accordingly, it is not surprising that the Syrian citizen neglects the information of the authority, entirely, and looks for other sources to obtain the news, information and analysis, especially, that which relate to the interior position of Syria. Beside school, university, Ba'ath vanguards, revolution union, student union, religion, mosques, associations, organizations, cultural and educational institutions, the authority succeeded to wash the brains and memories of the nation, especially, the young generations. Today, we have generations of no historical memory, which do not know meaningful information of Syrian history during the last half century. They know what the regime wanted them to know and according to its way and content. The history of Syria was briefed to the history of Ba'ath and the Syrian authority, which personified the previous president. More than 75% of the Syrian nation did not witness other vision than the official one. Actually, this percentage of the nation did not have the chance to be acquainted with another contradicting vision. The only vision they know was introduced in every place and time and each speech. Moreover, the political and organizational elimination of the opposition destroyed their voices and became difficult to be heard.

The methods of information means, which consolidated the memory loss and brainwash, were numerous. Wherever you go in Syria you see pictures, whole and half statues of the previous president. The pictures are found in the children notebooks, directories and governmental institutions, shops, public transport, private cars, streets and squares. The economical, natural, social and cultural organizations were named by the same name of the previous president, his family too, especially his eldest son. The names of the previous president and his family were curved on the slopes of the surrounding mountains in front of the general roads. Thus, we were watching a symbolic informational serial of complete presence at the imagination and view of the masses for 24 hours daily, during more than a quarter of a century. It is good that the new president ordered the take off old big billboards from the streets. The people, also, hope that the new president would eliminate all the features and practices that consolidate the legend of leadership and the worship of the individual.

In addition, the intensive presence included all ceremonies, processions, scientific weeks and culture, inauguration of constructions and festivals. Without any exception, all the occasions were presented in the official media under the care of the president. Thus, his presence and, later on his family, was obvious and accepted without discussion. The official title of the president was mentioned with the addition of "the struggler", which is reasonable and accepted, but once protocol is exceeded, the span is open for literal and radical rebuking composition that could not be imagined or accepted. Furthermore, some flatterers would complain from the language deficiency to describe the president's glory. Besides, the history and biography of the president was rewritten and his present was reflected on his past, thus, each step of his life was prior and logical that led into another spontaneous step. Since his birth, he was described as unique and distinguished person in all the measures. These images were presented by visions that could only create of him the first leader of his Party and the struggling movement of Syria during the last four decades.

The same ways were applied to deal with his eldest son and his tomb, later on. The ways reached to unbelievable and non-logical extents when the grave of the son was transformed into a permanent pilgrimage to be visited by the official and unofficial delegations from inside and outside the country to present their obligations of respect and glorifying, or rather sanctifying. Anyhow, it is necessary to say that these aspects retreated, noticeably, in the new age of presidency.

In all cases, the Syrian official media did not reach the imaginary and legendary extents that North Korea and Iraq reached to, which consecrated the mono eternal leader and his family. With shyness, the Syrian media preserved some logical elements, but as an outcome, it poured in the swamp of sanctification.

The Syrian media, greatly, lacked the human spirit, the spirit of criticism and citizenship, or the objective spirit and the minimum limit of credibility. The most dangerous thing is the reduction of history, country, nation and authority in one person. All the other institutional, social and individual presence loose the meaning of their existence and value, and if they were found. They obtain their presence from the worshiped person, they live to serve him and feel proud to be his folks and execute his will that could not be rejected or discussed. The dangerous thing is that everything in life became a gift from the authority, which is personified with excellence, and a favor that should not be fed up of repeating praises and thanks day and night. Simply, this means that the reality, the rights of the citizens and the power of the masses are forgotten. There were no rights to be obtained but not less or more than graces that are given from above. In brief, the nation was transformed into a folk and a subject of the personified authority's will. Retaining the self-individuality and collectivity, and the training for citizenship need more freedom, wisdom, courage and time. According to the close connection of culture with politics and media, what culture could be imagined in such totalitarian systems, whether related to the cultural institutions or being an expression of consciousness, values, morals and art?

This is a testimony from the writer and the poet Shauki Bagdadi. He talked about the negatives of the Arab Union of Writers that was transferred, gradually, from a cultural organization into a political organization annexed to the authority in most of its directions and ideas. All its possibilities of multiple ideas and attitudes are hidden and melted in one opinion and one attitude. Then Bagdadi proceeded about the killing of creativeness except in rare casesژ(10)گ.

Again, the problem is the authority's politicization of social, cultural and professional organizations. Consequently, we have the problem of dependency and the destruction of creativity. Once the position of culture is deteriorated, what can we expect other than the domination of demagogical and ideological speech and the mono official political speech? Freedom is the essence of creativity, so, creativity is assassinated by repression. Kawakebi said about despotism the following: "Despotism spoils one of the important two parts of religion, first the morals, second the worships. Thus, despotism would not approach the second because it suites its system"ژ(11)گ. Also, he said "The despotic has no fear of religious sciences, which relate to what is repeated and specified with what connects the person and his God, because they do not eliminate stupidity or exclude haze". Besides, "The autocrats are scared of other sciences of life, such as, the theoretical wisdom, the philosophy of mind, the rights of the nations, the sociological dispositions, the civil policy and others".

Starting from history and reality, there are sorts of creativeness that exist and flourish in the totalitarian system. During the last three decades, some of this creativity flourished in Syria, probably, because of the reaction to the difficult vanquishing conditions. The forms of creativity had to adapt to the situations in order to continue. For example, as long as poetry avoids the political system or does not, openly, refer to, it can continue and flourish because poetry allows the abreaction of the inner self. The same happened with the novel, which lately flourished technically and in narration, as well as all the forms of the story. The novel adapted to the totalitarian system by avoiding the present time and going back to the history. Therefore, it is not strange that we are the witnesses of the historical novel's flourish, or the story of no place and time.

Even if understandable, this escape to the past is unacceptable. One side of the historical novel's creativity is the result of totalitarianism, and in the other sides, the result of the tragic historical position, which the social, nationalistic and national matters passe through. The position that transfers to the past to fortify for facing the present is distressful recoil, which the societies still suffer from. Probably, the intensive national mind structure of the Arabic intellectual, especially the Syrian, has a role for this historical fall back, because the use of history's weapon presents an element, which is more than just adaptation to totalitarianism. This element accomplishes some individual and collective self-satisfaction as a psychological reaction, but not a mindful reaction to the defeated present. Still, because of that too, the absence of the real narratives, or non-flourishing, which recount our real present, is a real scandal for the writers and a clear accusation to the totalitarian system, too. Although some stories talk about the sorrows, grieves and problems of the current position, yet, they do not represent the prevailing position or are not the prominent scenes in the narration.

The instinctive increase of plastic arts is not only a result of avocations, but a part of it is a way of self-expression to relieve from the nightmare of repression and the decline of allowed margins. Today, while Syria is witnessing a plastic art rise, other people find it a sort of increasing cancer attack. In all cases, as long as far away from opposing the political ideology direction of the regime or remotely alluding to it, we have an exuberant production of art.

Almost the same could be noticed in Cinema, Theater, TV and Radio. The movies of nowhere, no-time and historical fantasias fill the actual present. Accordingly, while the Syrian drama is flourishing, the realistic films are opposed and rejected. Sometimes, the works remain inside the drawers for years unseen by the masses. From time to time, these works might be presented in the international festivals of cinemas or in private theaters for very limited audience before they are spoiled or hidden.

The intellectual and cultural works do not have to indicate anything meaningful or useful because they can only relate to history or other fields or complete theories. Thus, anyone can talk about freedom as a form of living in other people's world, also, about despotism but outside the Syrian frontiers and never inside. Still, the censorship must be sure that the writer is restricted to theoretical range without reference to the tangible and absolute position of the political repression and without demanding anything related to it. The official speech considers the actual totalitarian system is a democratic nationwide system in which the unique real liberty is prevailed. Consequently, the system and its representatives consider themselves unrelated to despotism because they are democratic and free according to their own way, which is the best and only true way, plus, being a pioneering way. It is not the problem of the regime that the others comprehend and analyze the position differently, but, beware of declaring, and watch out for the personal, private and what relates to the system.

The political caricature, for example, is an excellent satirical criticizing art. Still, it is so difficult to find one caricature about the policies of the Syrian system in the Syrian newspapers. The political field of Syria is out of the caricatures' brackets. Thus, the political caricature only exists about the other Arabic and foreign systems.

The attitude of the political totalitarian system from the cultural aspects is similar to the attitude of despotism from religion, as Kawakebi mentioned. As long as it does not approach the fields that the system considers prohibited or sacred, the culture can come closer to other fields with the demanded attention and care. But, what would the culture do if sooner or later it would face a clash with the totalitarian nightmare? Culture is a criticizing, open, deep and artistic mental creativity that aims for reshaping life in a democratic human and logical vision, which establishes the bases of the most honorable human values, like right, welfare, beauty, love and others. If culture is so, then it has to have a safe distance from any political system. Thus, what is the position of culture if the political system is totalitarian?

In brief, we can say that under the conditions of totalitarianism creativity might find an escape in certain fields, but its scheme would be narrow, fragile and full of danger. Other than that, there are related fields to the political mind, the philosophy of ruling and the catastrophic results in the society, plus, the matters of freedoms, duties and the dominating practices. Indulging in any aspect of the mentioned matters is a great risk.

Finally, we have to mention that this research treats the past period in the actual present time. Therefore, many of the above mentioned prohibitions and fears have been exceeded to the extent that it became allowed to release partial freedom of speech, which is restricted by many red lines and authority's sacredness.

__________

Footnotes:

1) I mean the "Totalitarian" system, which means the "whole" system. I preferred the first because it is easier to be spelled and more used.

2) In regard to the execution or non-execution of judgments, the executive power decides this, but the presidency has the last decision, including the canceling of sentences.

3) The law No. 36 added the term of "military weapons" on the 26th of March 1978.

4) "Nidal Al Sha'ab" newspaper, the mouthpiece of the Syrian communist Party's central commission, No. 602, 31.3.2001, p. 13.

5) This does not mean that the totalitarian current regime is a normal continuity to the established authority of the 8th of March 1963. There are clear differences between both authorities. Although the last authority came from the previous one and its military and Parties' institutions, but the continuity of a regime is not always similar as its origin. To avoid the mix up and the loss of precise vision, this point is important to be referred to.

6) "Nidal Al Sha'ab" newspaper, previous source, p. 5.

7) From the lecture of Dr. Azmi Besharah "The Reality and Mind of the Civil Society, A Middle-Eastern Reading". This lecture is the last chapter of his book about the civil society in general, edition of the publication of a citizen in Palestine. The edition, which was published outside Palestine, did not name the names of the mentioned countries. This refers to the inferiority of scientific honesty for political reasons. Review page No. 34 of the lecture.

8) "Nidal Al Sha'ab" newspaper, previous source, p. 11.

9) Al Thawra newspaper, Damascus, No. 1142, dated 3.3.2001.

10) Al Muharer Al Arabi newspaper, No. 285, from the 10th till the 16th of March 2001, p. 24.

11) Abed Al Rahman AL Kawakebi, "The Disposition of Despotism", Dar Al Sharq Al Arabi, 4th edition, p. 102.