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The Social Foundation Of the Political Conversion Salamah Keila - 1 - To approach the present structure of the Syrian political authority we need to research its social-economical foundation. According to a well-known opinion of Lenin, "politics" is the intensive expression of economyژ(1)گ. Studying the conversions, which were caused by the military regime in some Arab countries and probably, in other countries of the third world, might clarify the depth of this essential idea. The military movement seemed to be an expression of the rural fidgetiness and its crisisژ(2)گ. Also, expressing its tendency to change the power scales in order to rearrange the relation between the rural areas and cityژ(3)گ, on one side, the farmers and landowners, on the other side. Therefore, this movement appeared different from all other conversions, which occurred during the 19th and 20th centuries, because it was a rural movement of an excellent degree. In spite of the movement's 'dream' to execute a comprehensive rise, which was based on developing the industry and establishing the foundations for an industrial modern society, it basically, aimed to reform the rural position. According to what Dr. Hisham Sharabi believed, the rising Bourgeoisie had the role of executing the conversions. Also, it founded for the emerging modern capitalism type, which imposed the "subordinate" capitalism as, the only form of marginal capitalism, in the sphere of a World Economy Marketژ(4)گ. Thus, the rural structure of this society continued and became more profound, also, overlapped with the interests of the capital in the centers. As a result, the industrial development became restrainedژ(5)گ; and the contradiction of the rural areas governed the total contradictions of the society, in which the centralization of the real-estate ownership strengthened, plus, the oppression and pauperization of peasants deepened. Furthermore, the government became, essentially, the authority of big proprietors, who interpenetrated with the subordinate capitalism, trade capitalism, banks and speculations. The substitute for the "natural development", which means "capitalization" through the formation of an industrial capitalism and its domination, was the "Revolutions" that were led by the Marxist Parties. These revolutions, which were exceptionally led by the rural regions, opened the horizon for industrialization and modernization by claiming the accomplishment of socialism. Consequently, new bases were adopted for reforming the society, in which the groups of rural origins had an important role in reforming and shaping it. Although, the rural areas were driven to city groups and to modern thoughts, still, they affected urbanization in a certain way. The military role came in the space between the restrain of capitalism development and the actual deficiency of Marxist Parties' role to execute the development mechanism. Therefore, rural contradictions governed the whole conversion. In other words, it seemed that poor peasants were the class who defined the path of development, its characteristics and form, moreover, they were transformed into a dominating class at the middle of the 20th Centuryژ(6)گ.
To study the systems of the National
Arabic movement, we have to note, first, its military type, second, its
rural type, which were the essences of its
comprehensive composition and despotic authority. Through this
recognition, the interests of these classes, which governed, and the
consciousness and level of ideology of those, who were under their
governing, would clarify the base of this form of authority. Dr. Hisham
Sharabi called this authority as a patriarchal society, which was
vaccinated with modernizationژ(7)گ
and governed, by a renewed patriarchal authorityژ(8)گ.
The same could be noticed in the revolutions of
This means, to approach the position of
- 2 -
After many short-term coups d`etat, the
army overcame the authority on the 8th of March in 1963 by the move of
low rank officers. Even though, Al Ba'ath Party became the ruler after
eliminating the Nasseris in July 1963, the authority seemed to be in
command of the army. The army made the coup d`etat on the 8th of March
in 1963 and brought Al Ba'ath to rule. Then, the Party was reformed
after self-dissolution in 1958 for the sake of the union with (The coup d'etat of February 1966) was the period of conflict between the Party and the army. In other words, the conflict between the military commission and the Party commission, which terminated by getting rid of the Party's control, gradually, and transforming it, since 1970, into a facade. The period from 1966 to 1970, which, also, might be since the Nasseri's elimination in 1963, was the period of conflict between the power centers inside the army. This conflict was resolved on the 16th of November in 1970. Dr. Ghassan Salamah referred that according to the French Colonial Plan, the formed Army was based on an organized force, which consisted of minorities with all their variations. Therefore, although some officers were chosen from the families of big land proprietors, the government of independence inherited an army, which was mainly composed of minorities. Still, the successive coups d`etat caused the retreat of many minorities' role. Thus, Kurds role became marginal, the role of Sunni officers of urban origin became weak, then, Druze officers' role retreated, as well as, those of Hawrani origins (on the provincial level). The role of the Christian officers was restricted to technical matters, away from politicsژ(9)گ. Although the different studies gave much attention toward the Sectarian spanژ(10)گ, we would discuss the matter from another scope, because it is more profound and expresses the reality more precisely, in which the sectarian span seems an entrance or another expression of a different level to this scope. Consequently, the conflicts and the elimination become a natural result of the real contradictions, also, an expression of the conflict among various paradoxical social groups. Considering that there is no power or authority without a class foundation, plus, the power of the military or the Party is an expression of a class or a sector. Accordingly, the transfer of the domain center from the Party to the army seemed an expression of the transfer from the domain of city groups, which were the basis of the Party commission and its active cadres, to the domain of the rural groupsژ(11)گ. The later groups practiced elimination within till reaching a specified centralization domain that governed the country during the last 30 years. In fact, if the military had the main role in taking over the authority, they imposed, at the end, the benefits of a limited specific social group. Fua'ad Shahada Al Khuri's notice was very punctual, he referred that the interference of the military with politics and overcoming the authority happened in Arab countries which were marked by the agricultural-rural system, such as, Syria, Egypt, Algeria, Sudan and Iraqژ(12)گ. This happened in countries which societies were characterized by the agricultural-rural organizations emerging from the feudal systemژ(13)گ. Thus, Dr. Kahldoon Hasan Al Nakheeb noted that most officers did not come from principal urbanized centers but from small towns and villages. Also, most of them belong to poor and humiliated rural middle-class and marginal urbanized classژ(14)گ. No doubt, Hanna Batato was, probably, the first who approached the social foundation of the groups, which ruled through the military. He considered that the executed revolutions of Egypt, Syria and Iraq, were done by the alliance of different groups which have similar rural roots and resembling rural trendsژ(15)گ, besides, he assured the deep pervade of peasants in the Syrian Armyژ(16)گ. Thus, they were of simple rustic origins that pursued their own conducts according to their structural position, natural tendencies and instinctual inclinationsژ(17)گ. Of course, studying the percentage of soldiers and officers of rural origins in the total number of military force clears its rural mark, also, clarifies the composition of systems, which was established by it.
Here, we would like to clarify that the
difference between the 8th of March coup d`etat in 1963 and the former
coups d`etat is specific, because this one was transformed into a
formula in order to change the total society and the economical
composition. Probably, the coup d`etat of Husni Al Za'eem was of the
same sort, too. However, if the start of this transformation occurred
with the union between When the French colony depended on some minorities to establish the military force, which served its benefits, the choice corresponded with the position of rural groups. In fact, the military was a small force, practically; it was established after the independence in 1946. Therefore, we should study the reasons for entering the military service apart from the French Colony's attempts to make use of some soldiers from the minorities for executing their policies.
The matter was related to the
agricultural-rural composition, so, the army provided for them 'a device
for social rising'ژ(18)گ,
whether the authority was for civilians or soldiers. Thus, the career in
military service or government with all the health and family benefits
became an aim that the commoners longed for, especially that they were
in such a hard position, committed and mortgaged for landlords and
capitalistsژ(19)گ.
Therefore, this career was considered the best of all, because the
military forces were the first institution that followed the policy of
insurance, such as health insurance, family compensations, social
security, retirement rules, upgrading and promotions, apart from
providing food, clothing and housing. The military career became the
ideal rank for social flourishingژ(20)گ.
This meant that poor rural conditions would urge the peasants to join
the army in order to have a reasonable life. We cannot ignore that the
dash for military service increased after the independence and after the
defeat of - 3 -
Studying the nature of authority imposes researching about the social foundation of the groups, who came into power. As we referred, the poor rural groups dominated and became the authority, so, we should study the rural position. It seemed that all the contradictions, which governed the rural position, were the basis for all the later economical policies that had one specific aim, which was to redistribute wealth in the society. This aim was formed whether to adjust the relation between city and rural regions, consequently, to overstep the 'historical injustice' that the rural population suffered, or to establish a new proprietor's class of rural origins by taking the advantage of the rural domain.
We can notice that the rural mark was prevailing and the cities were marginal. Still, the cities were dominating the rural regions, absorbing their overflows and controlling their positionsژ(21)گ, because cities were the center of settlement for landowners 'Feudalism" and the center of authority, which was their governmentژ(22)گ. The agricultural-rural style was the stamp of society, because they formed the majority of the populationژ(23)گ, on the other hand, cities seemed as settlements for strangers, who lived on the expense of poor rural peopleژ(24)گ.
Actually, there had been a rural composition, so, we should research the rural contradictions because they were the bases for the conversions that happened later on. There was a lot of information about land property distribution and the sharp split between classes. Before 1958, the property ownership suffered an excessive centralizationژ(25)گ, while 2.5% of the population owned 45% of 'artificial' irrigated land and 30% of rain-irrigated one, 82% of rural inhabitants had no lands at all. Some peasants had a piece of land, which its area was, less than 10 Hectares, but 70% of them did not have any agricultural propertyژ(26)گ. Abu Ali Yaseen pointed out that feudalistic families, which represented 1.4% of the population, had 68.2% land. Besides, while the rural families, which presented 31.5% of the total population, had 22.7% land, the proprietorship of big landlords, whose percentage was 0.3% of the population, owned 9.1% land. The remaining percentage 66.8% of the population was of indigent familiesژ(27)گ. Thus, the rural income was imbalanced, because big landowners (15%) had 60% of the total agricultural income, medium landlords (10%) had 10% of the total agricultural income and little landowners with indigent people (75% of the total rural population) had only 30% of the total agricultural incomeژ(28)گ.
Dr. Abdullah Hanna referred to the income of farmers, mainly, the poor ones, which was terribly low to the extent that maintaining good health for peasants to work actively in land and production was not affordableژ(29)گ. The position of the farmers was related into two matters, first, related to the peasants who worked in the lands of feudatories and suffered the feudalism tyranny, the second was related to the small proprietorships, which were often insufficient to sustain the farmers.
Abu Ali said that the small
proprietorships, mainly spread in the towns
of Hawran,
Those peasants were striving to change
this reality and dreaming of equality, besides, union, industrialization
and progress, which became associated through some Parties' actions or
natural sense. Though, the developments cleared that the most pauper
regions dominated at the end. Therefore, all other military masses,
whether civil, from
The littoral mountains were the most
retarded and miserable regions, actually, these regions were much
backward than others in Syriaژ(31)گ.
The majorities were from the level land at the west, south and north of
We notice a twofold of poverty and backwardness, also, between class and sectarian humiliation. Soon after was the entrance for the savageness of class humiliation, which was the essential aim. This position was establishing the base for two matters, the first was economical, which related to the ambition of resolving the pauperism crisis and class humiliation, the second was political, which related to the methods of controlling that clarified after becoming the dominating power. Poverty, retardation and the nature of the social composition in general, established the mechanism of controlling with a special taste. Therefore, it was a matter of 'compensation' for the chronicle poverty and disastrous humiliation, which was executed through subjugated mechanisms in a savage form. This meant that the authority formation had to serve the class diversion.
According to the Statistic Guide, Hanna Batato noticed that the major part of middle class, which was the principal constitute of the government and public sector was from a rural origin, relatively newژ(36)گ. Dr. Ghassan Salamah noticed as well that the governing elite was of rural originژ(37)گ. This happened through many operations of transitions, which started with the law of the Agrarian Reformation, then, diverged into various sides. By the time the agricultural reformatiom's law liberated the peasants from the captivity of the feudal system, the diversion of economical politics resulted the emergence of new chances for work, which were not available before. - 4 -
However, three important changes occurred,
the first was related to the 'Nationalization of Industry' and the
industrial policies. This was an entrance to contain a reserved crowd
for work. As industrialization became a central aim in the new
formation, it gave the opportunity to contain the flowing peasants to
the city. The second change was related to free education. So, the scope
of education was opened for rural students, consequently, obtaining a
suitable job. No doubt that this matter was a rural dream of excellence,
because it founded for the class an uprising stage, which the rural
regions needed. The third change was related to the enlargement of
governmental institutions, especially armyژ(38)گ,
regardless of the political reason that related to the conflict with
The relation of city-rural that existed
before Since the Law No.161 of 1958 till 30.12.1969, the government confiscated about 1.5 million hectares of landژ(41)گ, most of it were distributed among farmersژ(42)گ. So, the percentage of little proprietorships increased to about 76% of the agricultural area. The properties from 2 to 25 hectares represented about 93% of the total agrarian area, which made it form the wider base in the rural regionژ(43)گ. A comparison between what was prevailed during the forties/fifties and the year 1970 clarifies the difference. In fact, while small properties, which were 30% of the total property jumped into 87% in 1970, the big proprietorships retreated from 49% of total property into about 1% onlyژ(44)گ. On the other hand, at the beginning of 1967, all the big and medium industrial organizations were transferred to the government's controlژ(45)گ. Also, the government took over the banks and the external trade. Therefore, the government commissioned the industrial and banking capital, plus, the trade capital to a certain extent. The private proprietorship of rural areas were communized and turned to be the 'governing law'. This turn was accompanied by the rural officers' domination of authority. As well as, the enlargement of employed groups' mass of rural origins in the governmental institutions, especially, army and intelligence service. This made the proprietorship of the government, which was called "public sector", yield to the mechanism of re-capitalism that the rural aim was behind, through "robbing the government".
Thus, the Nationalization seemed as if to
re-form the proprietary class. However, the governing consciousness was
"Socialist", or believed to be socialist. This consciousness considered
that "Socialism" meant the establishment of agrarian reform, also, the
transfer of land ownership into peasants. This, of course, was the rural
socialism, which contained in its essence the "possession", instead of
denying it. The "disguised" consciousness and disguising as
well, imposed the establishment of a
"gatekeeper" authority, not only, to suppress the former proprietors,
but also, to repress the injured protestors. Accordingly, since the
union between Therefore, the dreams of 'equality' were dominating at the beginning. Then, the dominating group converted from the rural "idealism", who was responsible for equality (the period from 1966 to 1970), to the rural 'realism', who became the proprietor. Consequently, the government became a device for thievery, to steal public sector organizations, commissions, disregarding laws, smuggling and others. At this stage, equality turned out to become inequality, the peasants' ambitions succeeded to become capitalists. Through these situations, the living conditions of the rural areas declined, as well as, the rest of the citizens, in general. Besides, public sectors, especially, the industrial sector, deteriorated badly, and entered a "clinical death", however, a new class was formed. - 5 - Finally, the "rural dream", the "general" and the "disguised" dream of private ownership, converted through "dominating the authority" into a "real dream", the dream of the groups who became the 'authority' themselves. The dream to own capital was through stealing the government, which needed a specific form of authority. Thus, the authority was established on intensive centralization and the repression of citizens, in general. __________ Footnotes: 1) Lenin said in his book "Lenin". 2) This idea is clear in the studies of different writers, such as: Hanna Batato, Khaldoon Hassan Al Nakeeb, Gassan Salamah, Fu'ad Izak Khuri, Gorki Mirski...etc.
3) Dr. Ghassan Salamah
"The Society and the Government in the Eastern Arab World", The Center
of Arabic Union Studies,
4) Dr. Hisham Sharabi,
"The Patriarchal Structure, A Research in the Present Arabic Society",
Dar Al Talee'ah,
5) This problematic was meant for
b) Salamah
Keilah, Any Progress Cancels the Subordination in the Arabic World, Al
Wahda Magazine, Al Rabat, No. 45, 6) Dr. Hisham Sharabi, previous source, p. 21. Although he did not specify the rural areas, he talked about a middle class, which called Little Bourgeois, and referred more than once to its civic not rural mark. 7) The previous source, p. 19. 8) Dr. Hisham Sharabi specifies the characteristics as follows: The domination of the father in the family is the same in society. Father's well is absolute, expressed through the silence of all. It is based on repressing and obedience. The most efficient and developed element in a modern patriarchal state is its interior security institution, which is called Intelligence service. He refers to the duality of the government, which exceeds the Military-Bureaucracy system into a secret agency system that dominate the daily life and form the final controlling device in civil and political life. Previous source, p. 22. 9) Dr. Ghassan Salamah, the previous source, p. 162.
10) Dr. Nicolas Van Dam " The Conflict
Over Authority in 11) Dr. Ghassan Salamah, previous source, p. 164.
12) Fua'ad Izak Al Khuri, "The Military
and Authority in the Arabic Country", Dar Al Sakhi, 13) The previous source, p. 58.
14) Dr. Khaldoon Hassan Al Nakheeb
" The Dominating Government in the Present
Eastern Arabic World, A Comparative Constructional Study", The Center of
Arabic Union Studies, 15) Hanna Batato 'The Egyptian, Syrian and Iraqi Revolutions', Al Nahej magazine 2001, No. 61, New edition 25, p. 97. 16) Hanna Batato 'Notices about the Social Roots of the Governing Military Group in Syria and The Reasons of Their Domination', Middle East Journal of August 1980, published in Arabic in addendum for the pamphlet "The Political Role of Minorities in The Middle East", Editor Dr. Maclorine, p. 10. 17) Previous source, p. 17. 18) Fua'ad Izak Al Khuri, previous source, p. 26, p. 95. 19) Previous source, p. 26. 20) Previous source, p. 30. 21) Dr. Nicola Van Dam, previous source, p. 26. 22) Fua'ad Izak Al Khuri, previous source, p. 70. 23) Dr. Abdullah Hanna refer that rural population present 65% of the total population, "The Agricultural Matter and the Rural Movements in Syria and Lebanon 1920-1945", the second part, Dar Al Farabi, Beirut, 1st edition, p. 61. 24) Van Dam, previous source, p. 26 25) Dr. Khaldoon Hassan Al Nakheeb, previous source, p. 95, p. 100. 26) Dr. Ghassan Salamah, previous source, p. 185, the first information belongs to Sameer Makhdusi. 27) Abu Ali Yaseen "The Story of Land and the Syrian Peasant", p. 33. 28) Previous source, p. 39. 29) Dr. Abdullah Hanna, previous source, p. 48. 30) Abu Ali Yaseen, previous source, p. 33. 31) Van Dam, previous source, p. 28. 32) Hanna Batato, previous source, p. 4. 33) Van Dam, previous source, p. 35, He refers that the sectarian span of the rural non-urban dual split attracts the attention. While the conservative religious minorities centralize in the poor rural regions, Sunnis dominate the rich regions and cities. This is a general notice because other groups than minorities inhabit a part of the rural areas, besides, Cities are divided into levels of social composition. 34) Hanna Batato, previous source, p. 5, 6, also "The Syrian, Egyptian and Iraqi Revolutions", p. 98. 35) Previous sources. 36) Hanna Batato " The Syrian Egyptian and Iraqi revolutions", p. 102. 37) Dr. Ghassan Salamah, previous source, p. 191. 38) Fua'ad Izac Al Khuri, previous source, p. 83. 39) Previous source, p. 101, he refers to the Budget of the Army, which is 70% of total budget. F.P. Victorofe say that the budget ranges from 55% to 60%, "The Economy of Modern Syria, its problems and prospects", Dar Al Ba'ath for Press, Printing, Publishing and Distribution, p. 88.
40) Muneer Al Hamesh "
The Development of Modern Syrian Economy", Dar Al Jaleel,
41) Dr. Mohamed Kafa "The Conversions of
Agricultural Economy in 42) A. Vilonic, previous source, p. 38 - 39. 43) Dr. Mohamed Kafa, previous source, p. 60. 44) A. Vilonic, previous source, for comparison look p. 44, 46. 45) F.P. Victorofe, previous source, p. 67.
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